Alex Arifianto – On 28 July 2024 Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's second largest Islamic organisation, officially announced that it would accept an offer of mining concessions from President Joko Widodo's government. This followed the decision of the nation's largest Islamic organisation, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), which accepted their concession a month earlier.
Opponents within and outside both organisations have criticised their decisions to accept the mining concessions. Such criticism was often expressed on environmental grounds: NU and Muhammadiyah should not engage in mining activities, critics said, since doing so would mean depriving local communities – including those where their followers live – of their economic and communal rights.
Another line of argument against the adoption of the mining concessions is that once NU or Muhammadiyah agreed to accept them, it would endanger their reputation as independent and democratic civil society organisations.
Former president and NU leader Abdurrahman Wahid thought that NU's autonomy from the state was necessary because the organisation seeks to promote "social transformation on a more complete and fundamental level." He further defined social transformation within NU to include: freedom of speech, an impartial legal system, and economic and social equality. Similar sentiments were also expressed by Amien Rais as Muhammadiyah general chairman during the mid-1990s, when he stated that he wished to transform Indonesia's leading modernist Muslim organisation into a pro-reform and pro-democracy movement.
As Robin Bush has written, by the mid-1990s many young NU activists responded to Wahid's increasingly oppositional position to the Suharto regime by developing a "civil society discourse" comprising three elements: NU autonomy vis-a-vis the state; opposition to conservative and radical Islamism; and the promotion of pluralism and tolerance.
NU-affiliated NGOs like the Institute for the Study and Development of Human Resources (Lakpesdam) regularly sponsored workshops featuring NU's promotion of pluralism, religious tolerance, and human rights, alongside coursework on political education and participation, all directed to promote NU's civil society discourse to a new generation of NU activists throughout Indonesia.
After Indonesia's democratic transition, NU and Muhammadiyah resumed their political activism by founding political parties: the National Awakening Party (PKB) for NU and the National Mandate Party (PAN) for Muhammadiyah. Politicians from both organisations received ministerial appointments and participated in national and regional legislative elections. From 1998 until 2014, both participated in national politics through the two parties, while contributing to civil, democratic political discourses in Indonesia.
The price of patronage
However, the relationship between the two religious CSOs and the state has changed under the Widodo presidency. Under pressure to counter the narratives of hardline Islamist groups like the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), Jokowi made NU his primary partner to counter FPI-like groups and to promote a "moderate" Indonesian Islam both domestically and worldwide.
Over his decade-long presidency Widodo has bestowed extensive patronage towards NU clerics and politicians. This patronage has taken the form of political appointments (e.g. Vice President Ma'ruf Amin, Minister of Religious Affairs Yaqut Cholil Qomas, and others) as well as financial benefits (e.g. subsidies toward NU-run pesantren boarding schools, credit facilities for shari'a-based cooperatives and rural financial institutions, and more).
During Widodo's second term (2019-2024) NU received even more state patronage from the Religious Affairs Ministry, now under control of Minister for Religious Affairs Yaqut Cholil Qomas, who is the brother of NU chairman Yahya Cholil Staquf. Such patronage has included financial support towards construction of nearly two dozen NU-affiliated universities; a religious moderation program that supports NU preachers and lecturers to promote "moderate Islam" in other ministries and state-owned enterprises suspected of being infiltrated by "radical" Islamic preachers and groups; and various state projects directed to support NU and its various affiliates (badan otonom).
This patronage has come at the price of NU's ability to criticise, among other things, the recent legislation pushed by the Widodo administration that critics say has contributed to Indonesia's ongoing democratic regression. This includes the 2019 revisions to anti-corruption laws that significantly weakened Indonesia's anti-corruption commission, and the 2023 Criminal Code, which curtails freedom of expression and the rights of religious minorities and LGBTQ people.
Several NU public intellectuals, including prominent advocates of the organisation's "civil society discourse" during the late 1990s and early 2000s, are now defending the Widodo administration's policy and priorities, contradicting their earlier support for liberal democratic norms. Ulil Abshar Abdalla, co-founder of the Liberal Islam Movement (Jaringan Islam Liberal or JIL) and former head of NU's Lakpesdam think tank, wrote the day after the February 2024 presidential elections that the victory of Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka showed that the majority of Indonesians wanted to continue President Widodo's policies. He claimed that the results showed that Indonesians "have other pressing interests" than safeguarding democracy, which he dismissed as an idea expressed primarily by "a few middle-class academics".
My recent conversations with sources within NU have confirmed that following Ulil's lead, NU is in the process of revising its position on state-civil society relations. Instead of being an independent and autonomous CSO – like what Wahid and other NU activists were advocating in the 1990s – NU now views itself as an integral partner of the Indonesian state. In the new mindset, NU, as an ulama-led organisation, is mandated by Islamic teachings "to assist and defend" the state from any potential threats, whether from radical Islamists or from other civil society actors who express critical views against the state and its policies. Meanwhile, the earlier NU ethos pioneered by Wahid is dismissed, according to my sources, as an idea inspired by liberal Western political thought that is not applicable to the contemporary Indonesian socio-political context.
It was within this context that in June 2024 NU formally announced its acceptance of a coal mining concession offered by the Jokowi administration by the then investment minister Bahlil Lahadalia. NU chairman Yahya Cholil Staquf publicly stated that his organisation agreed to accept the concession because "it needed all available revenue sources to fund the [its] activities – as long as they are religiously permissible (halal)".
Source: https://www.newmandala.org/clerics-to-coal-miners-the-decline-of-indonesias-islamic-civil-society