Too much media hype has surrounded the gathering of the Golkar Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) politicians in Medan last week.

Nothing was certain at the meeting, which was heavily covered only because it involved the country's two largest political parties, one of which supports the government and one of which claims to be the opposition.

The heads of the two parties' delegations, Golkar chief advisor Surya Paloh and PDI-P senior politician Taufik Kiemas, who is the husband of former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, hinted at a possible coalition being formed out of a common concern that creeping sectarianism in Indonesian politics could put national unity at stake.

Such apprehension deserves acknowledgement, but the idea that it is the only motive behind the landmark gathering is just too good to be true.

Golkar, as the backbone of political support for the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla, is playing it safe in order to survive. Some observers say that Golkar cannot let the current administration down before its term ends in 2009 as this would backfire on its bid to regain the power it assumed during its heyday under the New Order.

The presidency has eluded Golkar since the fall of Soeharto in 1998, but under Kalla's leadership the party looks like it's making something of a comeback. But the chance will slip through its fingers if politicians at the House of Representatives, particularly members of the PDI-P, pose stumbling blocks to any government policies.

For the PDI-P, the Medan gathering was no more than a political move to maintain its prominent role, at least in the eyes of its constituents, following its double defeats at the 2004 legislative and presidential elections.

The public cannot expect much but gossip and speculation from the widely publicized meeting. So fishy was the event that rumors arose that the two parties were considering nominating Kalla and Megawati's daughter Puan Maharani as their presidential and vice presidential candidates for 2009. Top leaders of the two parties have branded the reports as baseless, but they can look forward to making more denials as the rumors grow.

The gathering as a formal political coalition lacked credibility in the first place as it did not involve party chiefs. The absence of Golkar boss Kalla and PDI-P leader Megawati has also split both parties, with some members suspecting that the move was advancing the interests of certain factions. How can the parties expect the public to accept their messages if they cause controversy among themselves?

Coalition talk between Golkar and PDI-P is premature, if not inapplicable, if it concerns the 2009 presidential election. As happened in the previous polls, a coalition followed the legislative elections. The legislative seats the parties won served as the most tangible bargaining chip to determine who got the presidency, vice presidency and other political posts.

The upcoming presidential elections could be a totally different game to what the Golkar and PDI-P are now thinking about. As the old saying goes, there are no permanent friends or enemies in the country, only interests.

Golkar and the PDIP worked hand-in-hand to support Megawati and her running mate, Nahdlatul Ulama leader Hasyim Muzadi, in the second round of the 2004 presidential elections, although they failed. Few would have expected that they would fight each other.

It is more relevant to Golkar and the PDI-P to join forces in regional elections, which has been the case so far and proven to be a success in many instances. The latest acid test for the coalition to show its mettle is the election for the Jakarta governor, scheduled for August.

Even if the grand coalition between Golkar and the PDI-P takes place, it won't be without a price. A coalition between the two nationalist-oriented parties hides the imminent danger of a clear-cut political divide. A too dominant nationalist camp will strengthen the shared identity among Islamist parties, which will be detrimental for a pluralist state like Indonesia.

Practices in many democracies across the world show that democracy, to be specific the checks and balances mechanism, works well when two leading parties lock horns. A coalition, not a clash, of the titans is prone to a tyranny of the majority, which is as dangerous as a dictatorship of the minority.