Robert Go, Jakarta – National Mandate Party (PAN) chief Amien Rais hops from one destination to another across Indonesia on a jet chartered at US$2,000 per hour.

Sometimes, helicopters rented at an hourly rate of US$450 deliver him in style to fields where adoring supporters wait for his appearance and a dose of his fiery speeches.

Aides said that PAN could spend as much as US$50 million in the coming weeks. There are T-shirts, hats, flags and lunch money to distribute, cars and auditorium halls to rent and donations to make – all to woo the hearts, minds and pockets of voters.

But when asked where all the money was coming from, party cadres beat a quick retreat. "You can't ask that. No party will reveal its donors list," one source said. To do so, he explained, would amount to political suicide.

Donors, who include top businessmen and companies, are afraid of potential reprisal from parties to which they do not contribute.

Mr Sutedja, 43, the owner of a small hardware business in the North Sumatran capital of Medan, is a typical representative of the campaign contributor.

He wants no publicity about the five million rupiah he has given to support "a friend's candidacy" and he "trusts the money would be properly used" by his friend, who is now battling for a seat in the provincial parliament.

These days it is nearly impossible to find a prominent businessman in Indonesia who has not made a campaign contribution to political parties or candidates. Some bankroll everything from office space to food and drinks for cadres during rallies or meetings. Others make small gestures. Hotel owners grant free stays. Car-rental firms offer discounts.

Part of the problem is that, most often, candidates need to fend for themselves. With inadequate support from their party headquarters, friends and businessmen are all they can turn to. PAN is not alone.

Although Indonesia has campaign-financing laws, the 24 political parties uniformly thumb noses at them and are unlikely to face sanctions for doing so.

Observers and indeed politicians say the situation favours the big parties which will probably collect and spend incredible sums of money between now and the presidential election rounds later in the year.

In the process, though, election credibility takes a knock. The lack of public accountability also boosts the growing perception that the powerful few are manipulating the voting process.

According to election commission KPU's decrees, each political party is supposed to detail its special campaign funds, including giving a breakdown of the donors and the sums involved. Any contribution above five million rupiah (S$990) is to be reported.

While private individuals are allowed to give up to 150 million rupiah, the contribution for companies is capped at 750 million rupiah.

But KPU records so far show that only 17 parties have submitted campaign account numbers and initial deposits and only three out of those 17 have updated their reports to reflect current balances.

Analysts who have looked at those three parties' records said the figures submitted are likely to be wrong or incomplete. For instance, PAN said it now has slightly less than nine million rupiah in its campaign account. But how Dr Amien's party will manage the balance is not clear – given its high spending needs.

President Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P and Golkar party are among the seven parties that have done nothing to comply with the KPU's rulings on this issue. Neither of the country's two biggest political parties has shown how much cash it has kept for the campaigns. Analysts speculate that spending by PDI-P and Golkar each would top US$300 million.

A prominent politician told The Straits Times: "Yes, we know the laws exist. But we're not going to open our books because the other parties won't do so." An international consultant working on the Indonesian elections said: "Everyone is working with more than one set of books."