Amy Sood – When Joko Widodo was first elected a decade ago, he was hailed as a "New Hope" while gracing the cover of Time magazine, reflecting the widespread belief that he would root out government corruption and curb elite dominance as Indonesia's president.
Now, nearing the end of his second and final term, many Indonesians have taken to referring to him by his birth name – Mulyono – to "humiliate him", said Ian Wilson, a political sociologist at Murdoch University's Indo-Pacific Research Centre in Perth.
Despite enjoying strong support and high approval ratings throughout his presidency, recent events – including perceived attempts by allied lawmakers to undermine democracy – have sparked protests and widespread outrage that may tarnish his legacy.
This disaffection is particularly evident online, where the name "Mulyono" is frequently used.
Widodo's parents changed his name when he was young because of frequent childhood illnesses. In Javanese culture, names carry special significance and are believed to influence a person's destiny. The new name symbolised a fresh start and hope for better health and success in life.
Dedi Dinarto, lead Indonesia analyst at public policy advisory firm Global Counsel, said the Indonesian public's use of Widodo's birth name reflects their "growing discontent" with him.
"[It is] a move back to a more fundamental or unadorned view of his identity, indicating a distancing from the favourable image he had cultivated during his time in office," Dedi said.
Last month, nationwide protests erupted against proposed legal changes that many viewed as a power grab by Widodo to entrench his family's political influence weeks before he leaves office.
The changes would have paved the way for the outgoing president's youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, to run for a provincial governorship and could have swayed the outcome of the influential Jakarta gubernatorial race.
Similar charges were levelled against Widodo last year, after last-minute constitutional changes allowed his eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, to run for vice-president. Gibran is set to take office alongside president-elect Prabowo Subianto in October.
Widodo had built up a largely positive public perception over his two terms in power but this has now taken a hit, Wilson said.
"This comes down to his attempts to intervene in the democratic process to consolidate his family's interests that contravene many people's legal and moral sense of how politics should be conducted," he said.
Highs and lows
In his final state address in mid-August, Widodo proudly highlighted his presidency's economic and developmental milestones, particularly in infrastructure. He touted the construction of 2,700km (1,677 miles) of new toll roads, 50 new ports and airports, and 1.1 million hectares (2.7 million acres) of irrigation canals.
While Indonesia's economic growth rate of 5 per cent during his two-term presidency fell short of the ambitious 7 per cent target Widodo himself set, it has remained steady amid global challenges.
The outgoing president's infrastructure efforts should not be overlooked, argued Sana Jaffrey, a research fellow at the Australian National University specialising in Indonesian politics – especially given their widespread use by ordinary Indonesians.
"But this can coexist with the other thing he will be remembered for, which is a very intense period of democratic regression in Indonesia," she said, referencing the weakening of Indonesia's anti-corruption agency and judiciary under his tenure.
Public sentiment towards Widodo is a mix of anger and disappointment, analysts say. Once a beacon of hope, the former furniture salesman became Indonesia's first leader without a military or political background – inspiring hopes of a break from the elite dominance that marked Suharto's 32-year authoritarian rule.
Yet allegations of misusing state institutions to place his family members in power suggest that meaningful democratic change has been limited.
Consequences and precedents
In recent months, analysts say Widodo has been making efforts to consolidate power before leaving office. He has made strategic appointments, like naming Bahlil Lahadalia, chair of the Golkar party, as the new minister of energy and mineral resources through a cabinet reshuffle last month.
Bahlil, a key figure in Widodo's last presidential campaign, could help position the outgoing president at the head of Golkar's advisory board, providing him with a substantial political platform.
"The reshuffles at this end stage have nothing to do with policy or with governance, they are about moving loyalists to key positions to try and consolidate his own power, but Jokowi will lose that power once Prabowo becomes president," Wilson said, referring to Widodo by his widely used nickname.
"Whether he can consolidate a position in Golkar or elsewhere is very much up in the air."
Jaffrey added that Widodo had set a precedent for manipulating the political system "to the advantage of the person in power", suggesting that Prabowo may adopt similar tactics.
"Jokowi has given him the tools and consolidated control – especially over the security apparatus – to use exactly the same sort of strategies that Jokowi has done in the past, including intervening in parties and using both carrots and sticks to manage allies and rivals," she said.
Meanwhile, Dedi suggested that Widodo would attempt to retain political influence through allies like Bahlil in Golkar and even through his son, Gibran, the vice-president-elect. While the vice-presidency is often seen as mostly ceremonial in Indonesia, Gibran could leverage the role for one with greater significance in the long run.
Observers also pointed out that if a health issue or other circumstances were to prevent the 72-year-old Prabowo from completing his term, Gibran could ascend to the presidency. Dedi cautions that Prabowo and his allies will not make this path easy, however.
"Gibran could use the next five years to build his national profile and potentially run for president in 2029, but his success in this bid will likely be constrained by Prabowo and his cronies, who are expected to keep him in check."