Wasisto Raharjo Jati – In an effort to retain his influence after leaving office and being unceremoniously expelled from his former party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), former president Joko "Jokowi" Widodo has been widely rumoured to be planning to lead a political party.

Jokowi previously had signalled his interest in contesting the leadership race for the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI), a nascent political party now led by his youngest son, Kaesang Pangrarep.

However, despite initial speculation, Jokowi decided to sit out the PSI race. Kaesang said shortly before the closing of the candidacy registration period on Monday that his father did not want to compete with him, and that he had asked his father to give the younger generation a chance.

Jokowi's last-minute decision surprised many and sparked still more speculation. Will he create his own political party, given his relatively large and structured network of volunteers? This aligns with the suggestion of one of his volunteer groups, 'Projo' (Pro Jokowi), which has advised the former president to build his own party rather than joining an existing one. Or will he join the PSI in another capacity, such as serving as a member of the party's advisory board?

And the possibility of him being elected PSI leader come the party's congress in Solo, Central Java, on 19 July 2025 still can't be completely ruled out. After all, the party's executive board has said that it will 'roll out a red carpet' for the former president if he joins the party, indicating that the party would likely elect Jokowi in unanimous acclamation vote should he change his mind and contest the leadership.

At this point, it remains unclear what the endgame is for the former Solo mayor as he navigates politics after his presidency. But the political walls do seem to be closing in on him.

Why Jokowi needs a political vehicle

Once considered a political 'outsider', Jokowi long ago mastered the art of managing big coalitions to consolidate his power, entrenching his influence across political parties. However, things have not been the same since he left office, or even since he was expelled by the PDI-P for supporting Prabowo Subianto in the last presidential election and not Ganjar Pranowo, the PDI-P's nominee.

Pressure has begun to pile up on Jokowi. In the last few months, he has been subjected to relentless political harassment from his political opponents questioning the authenticity and legality of his college diploma. Meanwhile, talk about a proposal to impeach his eldest son, Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka, over the legitimacy of his candidacy in the last election is yet to subside.

But perhaps what worries Jokowi the most is the possibility of Prabowo turning against him, a possibility given weight by a recent series of meetings between the latter and PDI-leader Megawati, now Jokowi's bitter enemy. That Prabowo has recently made decisions that allegedly go against Jokowi's interests only fuels speculations that the president is turning the screw on his predecessor.

Prabowo has, for example, decided to revoke the permits of nickel of mining companies in Raja Ampat, Papua, that had been issued under Jokowi. And, he recently ruled against North Sumatra Governor Bobby Nasution, Jokowi's son in law, in Bobby's legal dispute over the ownership of four resource-rich islands with the Aceh administration.

Rumours have also been circulating that Prabowo is now seeking to replace Gen. Listyo Sigit Prabowo, a close ally of Jokowi, as the National Police chief. Under Listyo and his predecessors, Idham Azis and Tito Karnavian, the police force has been a major supporter of the former president.

This explains why Jokowi needs a political vehicle. It could help him organise his political base and increase his leverage amid growing tensions between him and the new president.

Will Jokowi establish a new political party?

PSI is not the only party that Jokowi is reportedly interested in joining or taking over. When he was in power, rumors abounded that he was planning a coup against the PDI-P's leadership, which explains his strained relationship with PDI-P leader Megawati.

Earlier this year, it was reported that Jokowi might take over the United Development Paty (PPP), set to elect its new leader at a national congress in September. Several PPP stalwarts have approached him to contest the PPP leadership race – and even endorsed him.

The PPP, formed in 1973, is one of Indonesia's oldest parties, but it is struggling to stay relevant in contemporary politics. Factionalism within the party severely impacted its electoral performance in 2024, when, for the first time ever, it failed to garner enough votes to win a seat in the House of Representatives (DPR). Several PPP figures have therefore looked to Jokowi as a potential figure who could save the party.

Jokowi, however, does not seem keen to join PPP. Rumour has it that he will, instead, endorse his former minister, Amran Sulaiman, to lead the party.

Jokowi was also rumoured to have planned to take over the Golkar Party following the resignation of its leader Airlangga Hartarto in August 2024. This speculation also turned out to be wrong, although not entirely. The grand old party is currently led by one of Jokowi's closest allies, Bahlil Lahadalia, who also serves as energy and mineral resources minister in Prabowo's Red and White cabinet.

Jokowi's reluctance to take over either PPP or Golkar is likely because his political career is built on a network of volunteer groups and loose alliances. It is not based on the extensive mutual interests and shared ideology typically associated with these established political parties.

Golkar's extensive and established cadre system is rooted in the various factions that form the party. PPP's fundamental structure mirrors that of Golkar, although it was recently relaxed. In any case, such a system does not fit the trajectory of Jokowi's political career, where he rapidly ascended from a regional head to the presidency through massive media campaigns, rather than the usual route of climbing a political party career ladder.

Given his career trajectory, Jokowi's best bet is to take over the PSI leadership from his son, Kaesang. The party's dramatic shift from a progressive millennial party to a personality cult centred around 'Jokowism' has alienated many of its earlier supporters. But that shift may have created a mutually beneficial relationship between Jokowi and the political party.

The only problem is that PSI's dismal performance in the 2019 and 2024 national legislative elections casts doubt on its suitability as a key political vehicle for Jokowi in the future. It is also important to note that the PSI is still part of the Prabowo-led ruling coalition. It possible PSI may have to choose between Jokowi and Prabowo ahead of the 2029 general elections.

Joining PSI would still be a big political gamble for Jokowi, and he may not want to take that risk. The only other option is to set up his own political party. If he chooses that path, it will certainly be a major test of his charismatic power, and could even determine his political survival.

Source: https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/jokowi-drops-bid-to-take-psi-from-son-whats-his-endgame