Max Lane, Jakarta – Any analysis of Indonesian politics during the last year three years, especially since the downfall of President Abdurrahman Wahid, has to take account of the steady rise in the masses' alienation from the Indonesian political elite.
The "elite politik", as it is called in the media and on the streets, is a very concrete grouping for the Indonesian masses, not just a sociological category. It comprises all the major political parties in the Indonesian parliament and the cabinet. The pinnacle representatives of this "elite politik" are President Megawati Sukarnoputri, House of Representatives chairperson Akbar Tanjung and Peoples Consultative Assembly chairperson Amien Rais.
This elite's collapse of legitimacy was reflected last week in a poll published by Jakarta's leading mainstream newspaper, Kompas. The poll identified Megawati as the most popular political figure from among the elite – although she polled just 10%. All the other figures received much lower poll results. The combined vote for seven of the most prominent members of the political elite was barely above 20%.
Throughout Indonesia, the parliament and the government are held in contempt. Even one of the more genuine personalities in the parliament, Aberson Sillalahi, a member of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) and one of the most outspoken PDIP critics of Suharto during the dictatorship, called on November 28 for the parliament's dissolution.
He referred, in particular, to the several cases when parliament had not reached quorums when deciding on key legislation. Recently, the parliament was unable to pass new legislation required for the holding of general elections. Only after increased public pressure, reflected through the media, did the parliament finally pass new laws on political parties.
With increased concern about whether the parliament will be able to prepare legislation in time, some PDIP members of parliament have openly raised the possibility of postponing the 2004 elections. They have suggested that it might be sufficient to simply hold a referendum to extend the current government and parliamentary term.
This discussion is still in its early stages. However, more obvious methods to consolidate the major political parties' dominance are embodied in the new legislation.
New conditions for parties with no current parliamentary representation are so severe, that it is possible that only the seven major parties may be able to participate in the elections. All such parties need to prove they have branches in more than 50% of Indonesia's provinces, membership in 50% of all administrative districts in these provinces and, further, that they have members in 50% of all sub-district administrative areas of all districts where a party claims to have members.
At the moment only the PDIP, Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP), the National Awakening Party, the National Mandate Party (PAN), the Star and Crescent Party (PBB) and, perhaps, the Justice Party (PK), can be assured of meeting the new conditions. Such a spectrum would restrict representation permanently to the current "elite politik". Apart from Megawati's increasingly conservative PDIP, there will remain a heavy bias towards former Suharto era parties (Golkar, PPP) and rightist parties operating under the Islamic banner (PAN, PBB and PK, but also including the PPP).
Another party that may be able to meet the conditions is the Peoples Democratic Party (PRD), especially if it was supported by the radical mass organisations such as the Indonesian National Front for Labour Struggles and various locally based mass organisations. The fact that the PRD was registered for the 1999 elections now counts for nothing. All parties must re-register under the new conditions.
The legislation defines political parties as organisations established to participate in elections. So human rights and democracy activists are concerned that a party's failure to achieve electoral registration will amount to a de facto ban on it. They are worried that parties that do not meet the conditions for electoral registration may not be allowed to engage in other political activities as political parties. There is also some concern that these provisions may be aimed at active radical parties, in particular the PRD. There are at least another 250 parties registered with the Department of Law and Human Rights.
The new law also formalises the ban on Marxist and communist parties. In addition, it bans parties from adopting policies that conflict with government policies aimed at preserving the "unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia". This may be used to suppress parties arguing for a federal structure or supporting self-determination for Aceh and West Papua.
Parliamentarians have been appearing on television almost daily during the last weeks defending the legislation as providing for "stability" and "good government", and arguing against the current plethora of parties. Media comment joins street opinion, however, in echoing a common theme that the new legislation is meant to do no more than consolidate the elite politik position.
This sentiment was further reinforced on November 28, when the parliament passed a new law regulating television and radio broadcasting. Despite strong protests from democracy activists, journalists and television stations, the parliament overwhelming supported the new bill. It provides for a broadcasting commission directly responsible to the president, with broad but vaguely defined powers to regulate TV and radio content. Thousands of journalists and activists demonstrated outside the parliament on November 28.
The gap between the major parties, with their 20% support, and mass sentiment is growing daily. The parliament is preparing for an election where the overall sentiment will be that the elections offer no choice. A debate is starting to emerge within the democratic movement over how to deal with this phenomenon. Should there be a call for immediate dissolution of the parliament and new elections under existing more democratic laws? Should there be a boycott campaign? And how can the democratic sector of society be united and mobilised to provide an alternative to the parties of the elite politik?