[The following is a slightly abridged translation of an interview with the coordinator of the Central Committee Leadership of the People's Democratic Party (Komite Pimpinan Pusat - Partai Rakyat Demokratik, KPP-PRD), Mirah Mahardika.]

The People's Consultative Assembly session (MPR) (1) has begun. The regime and the opposition are apparently both ready to respond to it. How do you see the situation?

Formally and legally, the MPR session along with the general elections are part of the process of legitimising the regime, in this case Suharto. Golkar's [electoral] victory will be followed by Suharto's appointment as president.

However, in terms of "real politics", Suharto and his regime have already collapsed. People everywhere are rioting. How much can Suharto and his soldiers do? They are overwhelmed. Economically, what can Suharto do to overcome [the crisis]? Banks have been liquidated, monetary policy tightened, the "I Love the Rupiah" campaign launched, asking the IMF for help, and now the establishment of a currency board. Who knows what else. But it is all pointless. These are the facts. Suharto is incapable of maintaining control.

Because of this, in real political terms Suharto has already fallen, so this "legal-formal" legitimisation is extremely important. Suharto is dying to make the MPR session a success, and certainly he will again become president.

But it seems that the opposition is also ready to hold protests or boycotts to make the MPR session fail? Is this so?

From the beginning the PRD called for a boycott of the MPR session, because like the general elections, it is only a puppet of Suharto. And, clearly it is not just the PRD which has a program to boycott the MPR session. There are many other groups. The regime is afraid of this. That is why they mobilised so many troops. But the objective conditions benefit us greatly. The people's anger is becoming increasingly broad as a result of the failure of the New Order economy and Suharto becoming president again.

What form will the MPR session boycott take?

The people should come out into the streets, demonstrate. But, perhaps this will be more difficult – although it is not impossible – because of the extreme military repression. But we can also do this in a symbolic manner, such as wearing clothing of a specific colour, or head bands, or carrying flags of a specific colour. But what is important is that the people gather together, even if they don't demonstrate. Thy can hold sit-ins at offices, schools and on campus, bus terminals, in front of lanes, and the like.

Is it not true that the PRD supported the nomination of Megawati as president. What is being done by the PRD with regard to this during the MPR session? Isn't the PRD also boycotting the MPR session?

It is an illusion for us to hope that Megawati, Sri Bintang or other presidential nominees, aside from Suharto, will be considered by the MPR session. All of the MPR members are puppets of Suharto's. All of the fractions (2) have nominated Suharto. Because of this, the people themselves must force the MPR to nominate [someone else]. How? By demonstrating, or putting Megawati posters on cars, walls and so on. Or by writing Megawati's name on walls. To draw the support of the people, we must also distribute Mega's pictures or writings.

Yesterday, thousands of University of Indonesia (UI) students held a demonstration. They also covered UI slogans such as "Campus of the New Order Struggle" and changed it to "Campus of the People's Struggle".

In the history of Indonesian politics students have been a central agent of change. The demonstration by UI students, with yellow jackets [the official colours of the "New Order Campus" - JB], is reminiscent of 1965, that is at the time of Sukarno's overthrow, although at that time it was engineered by the army.

I think that the UI students demonstration must draw in other students and people from other sectors, such as the urban poor, workers, the unemployed, mothers, transport workers and so on. Because, if the actions remain isolated [on campus], it will not develop into people's power. As a result, these actions will come to nothing, merely romanticism. The UI actions could become an agitation for students in other campuses.

What is the PRD's strategy if Suharto regime doesn't collapse after the MPR session?

It is almost certain, if the MPR session is a success, Suharto will definitely be chosen again. And we are not certain that Suharto will fall. But, the [anti-]MPR session [sentiment] can become a momentum for the people to spill into the streets. And if the Suharto [regime] doesn't fall, the political situation which follows will be more difficult for the regime. Because, with Suharto's reelection, the people's hatred will grow and fractions will emerge within the regime. And we all know, Suharto is conservative. He doesn't want to implement significant changes to overcome this crisis. The result, the crisis will become worse and the people will hate him [even more]. More and more people will want change.

If Suharto is reelected, will the people's suffering increase?

Absolutely. From the beginning Suharto has been the tool of foreign capital. Just look at the reform program of the IMF for Indonesia. Reductions in subsidies and tariffs. All of this will make it easier for foreign capital, while at the same time it will also increase the suffering of the people.

But isn't Suharto also in conflict with foreign capital, such as over the issue of the currency board? (3)

Suharto's conflict with international capital, is related to his own interest and the companies of his immediate family. But in principal no. And this can be overcome by concessions.

Translator's notes:

MPR: Mejalis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People's Consultative Assembly. The highest legislative body in the country with 1,000 members, 425 of whom are elected with the remainder being appointed by the president. It meets once every five years (usually around a year after the general elections) to hear an outgoing report from the president, enact the Broad Outlines of State Policy (Garis Besar Haluan Negara, GBHN) and to vote on nominations for the president and vice-president.

The five fractions are: the armed forces, the state party Golkar, the United Development Party, (Suryadi's) Indonesian Democratic Party and the regional fractions.

In February Suharto mooted the formation of a currency board to peg the Rupiah to the US dollar at a proposed exchange rate of 5.000 Rupiah.