Firda Amalia Putri and Iim Halimatusa'diyah – Violence is a persistent problem in the Indonesian police force. Recent brutalities against peaceful demonstrators underscore the imperative of reform to enhance accountability and restore public trust.
The recurrence of police violence in Indonesia – ranging from the use of dangerous chemical tear gas and the kicking of prone bodies to the unjustified use of batons, acts of torture, and violations of due process – has fostered a dangerous normalisation of brutality. Rather than functioning as a neutral enforcer of public order, the police has often operated as an instrument of control. This routine reliance on excessive force systematically undermines public trust and the very foundational principles of democratic governance.
This brutal reality was once again seared into the national consciousness with the death of 21-year-old delivery driver Affan Kurniawan at the hands of paramilitary police. It marks the latest chapter in a relentless pattern of excessive force used to quell dissent. The toll from this unrest is grim: ten dead, 1,042 injured, 3,337 arrested, and around 20 still missing. In the Kanjuruhan tragedy of October 2022, the police's gross negligence triggered the stadium stampede that claimed more than 135 lives. These are not merely numbers, but symptoms of a systemic national crisis.
Recent incidents of police brutality also marred a peaceful demonstration in Pati against the Regent's decision to raise land and building taxes sharply. Violence was likewise on full display during the #PeringatanDarurat (#EmergencyWarning) protests from 22 to 29 August 2024, held across several regions, where demonstrators rejected the revision of the Regional Election Law and the candidacy of Kaesang Pangarep, the youngest son of former President Joko Widodo, as a regional head.
A national survey conducted by Lingkaran Survei Indonesia (LSI) in February 2023 underscored the erosion of trust in the police. Compared to other law enforcement agencies, the level of public trust in the police ranks the lowest. While confidence in the Attorney General's Office (73 per cent), the courts (70 per cent), and the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK, 70 per cent) remained relatively high, trust in the police lagged at 64 per cent, although it had improved from 55 per cent in January 2023.
This trust deficit is not merely a matter of perception but reflects a documented, systematic failure pointing to deeper institutional problems. Drawing on protest videos from various cities showing officers beating defenceless demonstrators with batons and firing tear gas into dense crowds, Amnesty International Indonesia concluded in its December 2024 report that Indonesian police policies are the root cause of the "repeated, systematic, and widespread use of unlawful force."
The current administration bears a crucial responsibility to restore public trust – a goal that cannot be achieved through increased armament. What is needed is a genuine and substantive political commitment to comprehensive reform.
Under President Prabowo's administration, recent policy decisions have not indicated any significant reforms. The Ministry of Finance expanded the National Police's allocation in the 2026 State Budget Plan by 5.12 per cent relative to this year's expected spending. This makes the police budget the third largest after the National Nutrition Agency (BGN) and the Ministry of Defence. Indonesia Corruption Watch (ICW) reported that much of this increase was allocated to procuring enforcement tools, including police equipment and weapons, rather than investing in institutional reforms such as human rights training, accountability mechanisms, or community policing. Public funds have been heavily channelled into the police force's hardware, including for controlling mass gatherings, instead of interventions that could bolster its principal crime-fighting role while safeguarding Indonesia's democratic space.
For many Indonesians, particularly younger generations, this repeated exposure to violence highlights the fragility of human rights protection, especially the right to be free from torture and from cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. The 2024 Youth and Civic Engagement in Southeast Asia Survey, conducted by ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute between August and October across six Southeast Asian countries, found that Indonesian respondents expressed the highest concern over deteriorating human rights (69 per cent), compared to youth in the Philippines (63 per cent) and Malaysia (55 per cent) (Figure 1). These findings reflect Indonesian youths' marked lack of confidence in the institutions mandated to protect human rights, including the police.
Figure 1. Youth Concerns Regarding Deteriorating Human Rights (see original document)
The current administration bears a crucial responsibility to restore public trust – a goal that cannot be achieved through increased armament. What is needed is a genuine and substantive political commitment to comprehensive reform. Research on policing and society reveals that many developed countries have successfully reformed their police institutions to better uphold democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, by transforming the values, culture, policies, and practices of law enforcement.
To this end, the government must carefully review the draft amendment to Law No. 2 of 2022 concerning the Indonesian National Police (Polri). The human rights NGO KontraS (Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence) has warned that the proposed Police Bill plans to expand police authority in law enforcement and national security, potentially creating a 'superbody' institution without adequate public oversight.
Additionally, current efforts to ensure police accountability rely almost exclusively on internal mechanisms, particularly Propam (Profession and Security), whose credibility and effectiveness have been widely questioned by the public. This lack of trust underscores the urgent need to end impunity by establishing an independent civilian oversight body, free from police and political interference, with the authority to investigate, subpoena, and recommend charges.
Furthermore, a complete overhaul of the basic structure of the police institution is urgently needed by removing the Mobile Brigade Corps (Brimob) from Polri to dismantle the brutal apparatus. This paramilitary unit, consistently responsible for violence against civilians, fosters a culture of militarism that is incompatible with the nature of a civilian police force. Finally, the president must initiate a process to delegate Polri's many functions to more suitable, specialised, and civilian-led institutions. This could involve establishing a separate and independent traffic authority, demilitarising public order duties, and seriously contemplating a future where the police are streamlined into a core agency focused on serious criminal investigation rather than social control.
[Firda Amalia Putri is a Research Assistant with the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM), Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University, Jakarta, and a board member of Amnesty International Indonesia. Iim Halimatusa'diyah is a Visiting Senior Fellow in the Regional Social and Cultural Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, a Senior Lecturer at Islamic State University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah, and a Deputy Director for Research at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) UIN Jakarta.]
Source: https://fulcrum.sg/how-police-brutality-fuels-indonesians-distrust