Pradana Boy Zulian – Allowing Salafi elements to join Muhammadiyah has proven a double-edged sword for Indonesia's second-largest mass Muslim organisation.
Muhammadiyah, Indonesia's second-largest Islamic organisation, is experiencing an uneasy relationship with Salafi groups. This stems from the growing involvement of Salafi activists in Muhammadiyah, which poses some threats to the organisation. Initially, the threats were more at the doctrinal level but are now increasingly existential.
Salafism – a global movement advocating a puritan brand of Islam – believes that only the first three generations of Muslims (descending from the Prophet Muhammad) represent Islam's golden age. To some extent, Muhammadiyah's founding began with a puritan worldview too. Founded in 1912, its leaders questioned many localised, Islamic-Javanese fusion practices such as visitations to graves of pious Muslims, communal prayers for the deceased, and celebrating the Prophet Muhammad's birthday, the maulid. (These practices did not exist during the time of the first three generations.)
However, Muhammadiyah has evolved, and it is now facing growing discomfort with its Salafi-inclined activists. Moreover, these activists are slowing down Muhammadiyah's modernisation efforts. For example, a recent disagreement over the permissibility of music in Islam was blown out of proportion and accentuates the Muhammadiyah-Salafi cleavage. A Salafi preacher condemned Adi Hidayat, a Muhammadiyah member, as an "infidel" (kafir) for his views on the permissibility of music in Islam. In one of his online talks, Hidayat had spoken about three major Islamic views on music (from forbidding it to allowing it). Hidayat spoke on a similar theme at the University of Muhammadiyah Jakarta in March 2024. He is inclined to allow music; most Muhammadiyah-affiliated bodies, such as the Muhammadiyah Youth Movement, have defended him.
Muhammadiyah and the Salafi movement were born from the same womb. The former is more open to adapting to changing times but the latter is not. Now the Salafis seek to interrupt Muhammadiyah's progressive turn. Can they succeed?
In the broader context, Salafi activists are accommodated in Muhammadiyah social services units such as universities, schools, hospitals, and orphanages. However, the existence of Salafi activists or Salafi-inclined Muhammadiyah activists creates problems for Muhammadiyah's internal cohesion. Salafi criticise Muhammadiyah and hold different views regarding their understanding of religious texts: Muhammadiyah follows a contextual interpretation, while Salafi adopts textual understanding.
Since its founding, Muhammadiyah has struggled for social reform through "returning to the Quran and Sunna". The philosophical basis behind this doctrine was to reform Muslims' fanatical attitude towards the four schools of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam (madzhab): Hanbali, Maliki, Shafie, and Hanafi. The Salafis concurred with this broad philosophy but added that Islam should be practised in accordance with the Islamic golden age – meaning the Prophet's and his companions' (sahabah) time, then that of the followers of sahabah, known as tabiin (followers).
Unlike Muhammadiyah, the salafi or salafiyah never organised into a religious group. Rather, they have always been a fragmented movement.
It is this doctrinal intersection and a common rival, the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), which paved the way for the Salafis' initial involvement in Muhammadiyah's religious activities. For example, Muhammadiyah's religious institutions and mosques accommodated Salafi imams (prayer leaders) and preachers.
The fundamental divergence between the two groups today is how religion can co-exist with modernity. Muhammadiyah is more open to accommodating modernity, while Salafis are relatively more close-minded. Hidayat's open view on music, although not representing all of Muhammadiyah, illustrates this open-mindedness but not all Muhammadiyah members supported Hidayat, which demonstrates the Salafi presence in Muhammadiyah circles.
The tension between Muhammadiyah and Salafis has worsened. In 2019, the Muhammadiyah media featured writings focusing on the negative impact of Salafi penetration into Muhammadiyah. Among others, Biyanto (secretary, East Java Muhammadiyah Regional Board) viewed the Salafis' involvement in Muhammadiyah as a serious problem. Although Biyanto's discussion was elementary, it sparked awareness among Muhammadiyah activists about the threat that Salafism brought to Muhammadiyah. Robby Karman, a young Muhammadiyah activist, responded by raising awareness to protect Muhammadiyah from Salafi religious understanding.
Nurbani Yusuf, a popular Muhammadiyah writer and preacher, identified some points of divergence between Muhammadiyah and Salafi, maintaining that the Salafi understanding of Islam is an antithesis of Muhammadiyah's. Others including Nurfarid and Hasnan Bachtiar, both Muhammadiyah youth wing activists, joined the debate, expressing their discomfort towards Salafi penetration in Muhammadiyah. The Muhammadiyah leadership also raised this issue: Syafiq A Mughni of the Muhammadiyah Central Board identified Salafism in Muhammadiyah as a "parasite".
Salafism is challenging Muhammadiyah from the doctrinal to the existential aspects. Salafism has challenged Muhammadiyah in religious methodology, the approach to innovation, and views on contemporary issues, including music. Salafism's biggest threat is to Muhammadiyah's leadership at its lower strata (the local level). Muhammadiyah members occupy many leaderships positions at the national and rural levels. At the grassroots, however, leadership boards lack religious leaders with adequate training to defend the organisation's doctrinal position. This void is often filled by Salafi members.
Muhammadiyah is distinctive from the Salafi in many aspects. First, on the interpretation of the Quran, Muhammadiyah adopts a contextual approach, unlike the Salafi which employ literal understanding. Second, Muhammadiyah supports government and accepts Pancasila as the state's philosophy, while some Salafi groups passively accept the government and others struggle to found an Islamic state in Indonesia. Third, Muhammadiyah urges the employment of reason in understanding religion, while Salafi see the use of reason as the gate for deviation from true Islam. Fourth, Muhammadiyah accommodates local culture, while Salafi believe that Muslims should practise the Arabic culture, as practised by their pious forebearers (salaf al-shalih).
National Muhammadiyah leaders need to be bolder in promoting moderate values, inclusivity, and openness. They need to go back to the fundamentals to strengthen their reach at the local levels when presenting a more contextual Islam rather than focusing on the big picture. Furthermore, emphasising Muhammadiyah's distinctiveness is unavoidable to equip Muhammadiyah members with the antidote to deal with Salafism.
Having said this, how successful Muhammadiyah leaders will be in pushing back the Salafi threat depends on their willingness to educate local members on the distinctiveness of Muhammadiyah's doctrines over Salafism.
[Pradana Boy Zulian was a Visiting Fellow at the Regional Social and Cultural Studies Programme, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore. He is a Senior Lecturer at University of Muhammadiyah Malang (UMM), Indonesia, and Vice-Dean for academic affairs at Faculty of Islamic Studies UMM.]
Source: https://fulcrum.sg/tackling-the-threat-of-salafism-within-muhammadiyah-leaders-need-to-be-bolder