Endy M. Bayuni – In any democracy, a political party is a public institution. As such, the Democratic Party (PD), which won the largest number of votes with 22 percent in the 2009 elections, should be treated by those who run it as an institution accountable and answerable to the public.

However, the way that party leaders are handling the corruption scandal currently affecting their party, which involves its former chief treasurer Muhammad Nazaruddin, shows they have virtually ignored the public as the main stakeholder and instead treat the party as their own private institution.

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, as chief patron, has resisted pressure to dismiss chairman Anas Urbaningrum, whose name has been mentioned in court hearings as an accessory to the crime. In a news conference at his residence last Sunday, Yudhoyono said he would let the law take its full course before doing anything about Anas. For his part, Anas has appeared in several TV interviews professing his innocence.

Not surprisingly, PD's public standing has dramatically declined, a fact that even Yudhoyono recognized in his press briefing. Most opinion surveys show PD trailing third behind Golkar, the largest partner in the PD-led coalition government, and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), the main opposition party.

The corruption scandal has taken its toll on the party's image. One could argue that there are other reasons for this decline, but the longer the corruption case drags on, the deeper the party will be dragged into the mud.

The Feb. 3 announcement by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to name Angelina Sondakh, an elected PD member of the House of Representatives, as the latest suspect in the corruption scandal, indicates that the case is expanding. Sit back and enjoy the show, if you are not a supporter of PD of course.

With Anas' name frequently mentioned in court hearings, it is only a matter of time before the KPK questions him about the extent of his involvement or knowledge in the fund-raising scam that Nazaruddin is accused of being involved in. Nazaruddin is alleged to have used his party position to secure lucrative contracts to build a sports facility in Palembang, South Sumatra. He has since claimed that the proceeds were distributed among several senior party members, including Angelina, with the full knowledge of chairman Anas.

Irrespective of Anas' claims of innocence, as party chair he should take responsibility for the actions of his chief treasurer. There is simply no way around it. If the court does not see it that way, many voters have certainly made up their mind, and as the surveys show, they are abandoning the party. One hopes that Yudhoyono will weigh in on the issue quickly and use his power to dismiss Anas and save the party from its current mode of self-destruction.

Since both men choose to ignore the first rule about a political party (that it is a public and not private institution) then stakeholders will always have the option to turn to other parties. The second rule about political parties is that voters have a choice.

This is unfortunate because since its launch in 2004, with Yudhoyono as its leader, PD emerged as a viable alternative party in what was then an emerging democratic climate. The party helped him win presidential elections in 2004 and 2009, ironically on a strong anti-corruption platform. The party gained the most trust and confidence from the voting public in 2009.

PD had the opportunity to stay on for the long haul and become one of the most established political parties in Indonesia. When all other big parties, like Golkar and PDI-P, saw their electoral fortunes falling further in 2009, PD surprised everybody else by tripling its share of votes to over 22 percent.

But the way its leaders, including Yudhoyono, have handled the corruption scandal has rendered its image as not all that different from the other parties, that have become mere private play-things for a handful of hungry-power political dynasties.

With the next election just two years away, it is hard to see how the Democrats can repair their reputation in time and repeat their 2009 performance. Going by the results of most opinion polls, they would be lucky to even stay in the top two in 2014.

The Presidential Palace has defended the plan to purchase a presidential plane, saying that the total cost of $138 million would still represent a significant saving of $32 million to the government than if President Susilo Bambang were to rent the plane over a five-year period.

This sounds like a plausible argument except that one could stretch the same argument by asking why stop with Yudhoyono? What about Vice President Boediono, who also travels frequently? What about Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa, who spends more than half of his time jet-setting to represent Indonesia? Using the same logic, shouldn't we then buy three jets for the sake of efficiency?

Whatever the answer, we should make sure that none of the former drug-taking Lion Air pilots be allowed to fly the plane, whether it is the president, vice president or foreign minister. It's just too risky.