Rizal Sukma, Jakarta – Combating corruption has been often cited one of the most important "successes" of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's first administration.
Indeed, despite the accusation that the anticorruption drive has been largely discriminative, Yudhoyono's government has made more arrests than previous governments since the reform era began in 1998. More importantly, the successes include several high-profile arrests during the period 2004-2009.
We certainly expect that the anticorruption drive will continue and even intensify during his second term in office. This country has for too long been described as a haven for corrupt officials and one of the most corrupt countries on Earth. While the anticorruption drive over the last five years has begun to improve Indonesia's image slightly, the country still has a long way to go before the problem of corruption can really be kept to a minimum, if not eradicated completely.
Yet there have been signs that the anticorruption drive might soon take a back seat. First, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), due to its determination in doing its job, has been attacked from many directions. It is now seen as having too much power. There are signs that there is a systematic effort to undermine the KPK. Some members of the House of Representatives are now keen to curtail the power of the antigraft body, after several legislators were arrested. A senior police officer, for instance, likened the KPK's attempt to combat corruption as an attempt by "a gecko to fight a crocodile".
Second, the selection of new members of the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) by the House has also drawn severe criticism from the public, especially from activists at antigraft organizations. Noted lawyer Todung Mulya Lubis, for instance, criticized the House for appointing "a number of people whose legitimacy to even participate in the selection process is questionable". (The Jakarta Post, Sept. 14, 2009). It is even more puzzling for the public when a well-respected former member of the KPK, Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, failed the selection process. Indeed, parliament seems unperturbed by public complaints.
Third, despite a string of arrests, corruption persists. One case after another, small and big, they continue to occur. Punishment seemingly fails to produce a deterrent effect. Those who are arrested and tried for corruption do not feel humiliated by what they have done. Some of them even continue to receive nice treatment and open support from their colleagues. Worse, the public itself seems to forget quickly and does not see those parasites as the garbage of the country.
Fourth, the future of the anticorruption drive in Indonesia may even be undermined further by the state secrecy bill, recently agreed upon by the House's special committee and the government, represented in this case by Defense Minister Juwono Sudarsono. Critics say the bill, while containing several passages that could potentially harm civil liberties and freedom of the press, could also complicate and undermine the efforts to curb corruption.
The road toward a corruption-free Indonesia, which is one of the core agendas of the reform era, needs to be salvaged. We should not forget that reform, which paved the way for politicians to take center stage in Indonesia's contemporary politics, was founded on the blood of pro-democracy students and activists. Indonesia's positive image as a consolidating democracy will not mean much unless we can also prove to the world our ability to practice good governance. Indonesia's democracy, without good governance and rule of law, will be treated as a joke by antidemocratic forces in the country, in the region, and indeed in the international community.
The people clearly hope that President Yudhoyono will deliver on his promises and commitments to combat corruption in a much more forceful way during his second five-year tenure. The majority of Indonesians voted for him and gave him a strong mandate to fulfill their hopes. As a gesture of gratitude to the people, President Yudhoyono needs to rein in antidemocratic forces in this country and assure us that corruption will continue to be his number one enemy in the years to come. Good governance, on top of other issues, should be the main legacy of the first directly elected president of Indonesia.
[The writer is the executive director of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies.]