Faced with the serious threats posed by other political parties in the 2004 general elections, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) has closed ranks in a move to consolidate the party rank and file at a two-day National Leadership Meeting in Yogyakarta beginning September 9.

Deputy Secretary General Pramono Anung said after the closing ceremony that the meeting had made two important decisions.

First, PDI-P will set up a success team with the task of winning the presidential and vice presidential election in the first round. "The success team institutionally will be under the direct command of the Central Executive Board. The team consists of 17 members," he told reporters.

According to Pramono, the team will be guided by four principles. It must involve professionals, it will have authority over campaign, determine the major themes of the campaign and discuss support systems for the presidential and vice presidential election.

Pramono did not say who will be nominated as running mate to party leader and President Megawati Sukarnoputri but hinted that PDI-P would select the candidate who would draw most votes.

Analysts believe Pramono's statement has reinforced previous speculation that Megawati will nominate a running mate acceptable to the two biggest Muslim organizations, the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and modernist Muhammadiyah.

If Megawati stick to this criteria, a vice president acceptable to NU and Muhammadiyah could be someone from outside the organizations or a non-party politician. "Through this corridor, Madam Megawati as the party chairwoman will choose her running mate, and it is her right to choose her vice president," Pramono concluded.

The second decision reasserted the party commitment that provincial chapters and branches will be given the authority to nominate legislative candidates starting from the process of recruitment.

As stipulated under the new election law, the authority of a party central executive board (DPP) in determining the legislative candidates is just 40%. The remaining 60% will be shared between the provincial chapters and branches.

This position will dramatically change PDI-P's choice of candidates. In 1999, much power was taken by Megawati's inner circle, including her husband, Taufik Kiemas. Inevitably, the recruitment and selection of legislative candidates within PDI-P was marred by collusion and nepotism. Megawati and PDI-P have good reason to prepare for the worst in the coming election.

Under the new election law, only parties that receive more than 5% of the vote in April's legislative election can field a presidential candidate in the general election to be held in July. To win the presidency, a candidate must receive a majority of the national vote and more than 20% of the vote in at least half of Indonesia's provinces.

In the 1999 elections, Megawati and PDI-P won 36 million votes or 32% percent of 112 million votes cast. Golkar got 24 million or 21%, the Muslim-based United Development Party (PPP) led by the incumbent Vice President Hamzah Haz garnered 11 million or 10%, while former President and former NU General Chairman Abdurrahman Wahid's National Awakening Party (PKB) got 13 million votes. Amien Rais of the National Mandate Party (PAN) garnered only 8 million.

Realizing that there is no single party capable of winning an absolute majority, Megawati and PDI-P are aware that despite the need to forge coalitions with other parties, the performance of PDI-P and Mega personally will be of prime importance.

Swing voters or the "floating mass" threw their weight behind Megawati and PDI-P in the 1999 election in the hope that Megawati would aggressively push reform. Megawati had been a symbol of resistance to Suharto since 1993. But several elements among the reform movement groups including university students and human right activists now believe that she has betrayed the cause of reform in favor of business and military interests.

Several analysts say her chance of winning back her disenchanted supporters will depend on her willingness not to take sides with entrenched political elites, whether from Golkar or the other parties, which have a track record of involvement in the political and economic system of the Suharto regime.

In the aftermath of the 1999 poll, Megawati ironically became the victim of her own success. She was denied the presidency thanks to the backstage political maneuverings of several small Muslim-based parties led by Amien Rais. To some, this seemed a total betrayal of the people's aspiration, and it could only have happened, one analyst said, because there were just too many political parties.

Ideally, political parties have one purpose: to fight for the aspirations and well-being of their constituents. Many, if not all, parties in Indonesia have been set up for a different reason: to gain short-term economic benefit for the party leaders and their friends.

Examination by the Justice and Human Rights Ministry has shown that many political parties have no clear political platform, and their leaders are reduced to stuttering when asked to explain their party's platform. Many have no permanent offices, much less headquarters.

In such a situation, the 1999 presidential election showed that the absence of a clear winner for the post meant that aspirants had to engage in vote buying to ensure victory. Small parties vied to sell their votes to the highest bidder.

Significantly, the PDI-P success team has been tasked with regulating and managing campaign donations. There has never been a financial audit carried out to discover how political parties are spending the state funds they receive. In the absence of such oversight, it is highly likely that some leaders merely use the funds for their own personal needs.

In 1999, then-president B.J. Habibie enacted two laws – the Political Party and the General Election laws – that required political parties to submit financial reports to the Supreme Court before and after general elections and by the end of each year.

Until now not one political party has bothered to comply. Instead of disbanding these defiant political parties in accordance with the law, the Supreme Court has only sent out toothless warning letters.