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Divisions increasing in military

Source
Green Left Weekly - January 19, 2000

Max Lane – For the first time since 1974, a public split has emerged within the Indonesian army's top generals over how best to preserve the political authority of the Indonesian armed forces (TNI). The split has been provoked by the inquiry, launched by the Indonesian National Commission for Human Rights, into the events in East Timor that followed the August 30 referendum.

The commission's inquiry is headed by the outspoken human rights lawyer Munir, who led the campaign which exposed the military's role in the kidnapping and disappearance of student activists in 1998 and 1999.

The inquiry has revealed the extent to which the TNI organised the militia that terrorised East Timor before and after August 30. To date, it has confirmed that militia gangs, such as Aitarak (headed by the murderous Eurico Guterres), Besi Merah Putih and others, were installed as the official civil militia in East Timor and, as such, were organised, funded and directed by the Indonesian government.

The inquiry also stated its opinion that the "Ganardi document", which set out a scorched earth plan should Jakarta lose the August 30 referendum, was a genuine document. The commission questioned Ganardi, a Department of Home Affairs official, who claimed that the document and his signature were forgeries; the Commission was not convinced.

Throughout the inquiry, the generals who have been hauled before the commission have claimed that it was impossible for them to bring "spontaneous" activities under control and that no violence was planned by the TNI.

An interim statement by the commission explained its view that the TNI, including coordinating minister for political and security affairs General Wiranto, was guilty of, at the very least, crimes of omission in East Timor. The commission believed that charges against the officers should be seriously considered. However, the commission cannot itself prosecute Wiranto or any other generals; only the Wahid government can make such a decision.

The uncompromising nature of the questioning from Munir and other commission lawyers has provoked a publicly hostile response from military spokespeople. In November, General Sudrajat, spokesperson for Armed Forces Headquarters, stated that the TNI's soldiers "would be angry if their generals were treated roughly".

General Agus Wirahadikusumah, a regional commander in eastern Indonesia and a well-known critic of current TNI policy, publicly rejected Sudrajat's claim, stating that TNI soldiers' loyalty was not to individual generals but to the TNI and the state as a whole.

The dispute between the Wiranto-Sudrajat camp and Wirahadikusumah has stretched into other areas as well. Wirahadikusumah also made a statement to a parliamentary inquiry that the territorial command structure of the TNI should be dismantled. The territorial command structure mandates the deployment of military command posts and detachments at all levels of the civil administration: provincial, district, sub- district and village. This structure provides the organisational framework for the TNI to act as a political security force throughout society and has, therefore, so far been considered sacrosanct.

Sudrajat and others in the Wiranto camp immediately responded, stating that Wirahadikusumah was presenting his personal views, not TNI policy.

Wirahadikusumah has maintained his public stance on this issue and has found some support from other generals and retired generals.

There has even been public discussion of the possibility of a military coup. In November, Sudrajat made a statement that, under the Indonesian constitution, the president was not the supreme commander of the armed forces but only their political head. This statement was also rejected by figures associated with Wirahadikusumah. While Sudrajat's statement started a discussion about a possible TNI coup against Wahid, it was more likely a move to try to restrict Wahid from making military appointments.

By January 14, in the midst of intense speculation that President Wahid may sack Wiranto, Wirahadikusumah felt confident enough to state that Wahid need not fear worsening relations with Wiranto, because Wiranto's influence in the TNI was no longer significant. In the same conversation with journalists, Wirahadikusumah also stated that there was no possibility of a coup. "The TNI cannot even solve Ambon", he said.

Wirahadikusumah's riposte came two days after Sudrajat himself said that the TNI would have no objections if Wiranto was "reshuffled" out of the Cabinet. Sudrajat's statement has not saved him, however, as he was sacked from his position as head of the Armed Forces Information Centre on January 14.

As Wiranto's fortunes in the government have slowly waned, there appears to have developed an alliance between the Wiranto forces and the most right-wing elements among the Islamic political organisations. The Indonesian Mullahs Assembly issued a statement on January 11 calling for the abolition of the National Human Rights Commission and for the disbanding of non-government organisations for "upholding double standards regarding the interests of the Islamic community".

Right-wing Islamic leaders called for 2 million people to mobilise on January 9 to demand the resignation of President Wahid for not protecting Islamic interests in Ambon. The rally, which was rumoured to be backed by Wiranto, mobilised only 10,000 people. A call for all Islamic parties to unite also met with only lukewarm support from key Muslim politicians. Wahid was able to laugh off the protest as a failure.
 

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