[The following is a speech written by jailed chairperson of the People's Democratic Party (PRD), Budiman Sudjatmiko which was read at the "Grand Launch" of the PRD on March 21 in Jakarta.]

Comrades in struggle, leaders and members of the PRD,

"I can see clearly, though not completely, so that the darkness will slowly but surely clear away" - Cornel Simanjuntak

I have quoted this verse from our composer of songs of struggle, Cornel Simanjuntak, because this poem accurately depicted the situation of the struggle of the Indonesian nation at the beginning of its independence. It depicts clearly a period of transition, from the darkness of colonial occupation towards the light of freedom. This was a period pregnant with hopes for a new state of freedom, yet at the same time confronted the Indonesian nation with challenges and uncertainties. This is the situation I detect again as we enter what is now referred to as the era of "reformasi".

Even though I am behind bars, I can still see the reality unfolding outside the prison walls.

A transition period

I prefer to call this period now, a transition period. At least this term is closer to reality than some rhetorical term that entraps us in overblown illusions. Like many periods of transition in other countries, both in the past and in contemporary times, the period of transition that we are now experiencing is characterised by an uncertain and dark climate. Everything is possible, both for the better or for the worse. But if we make sure we are properly prepared, then there will be more opportunities for the better.

And what makes me most happy is that our party has proved that it is a legitimate child born in the womb of this period of transition. During this whole period we have experienced defeats, both large and small, and also victories, large and small. And if we review the victories we have won and also look to the victories of the future, we will realise humbly that these were all victories won through the efforts of the Indonesian people. A peoples' victory, democracy spearheaded by the university students, who in most difficult times, risked their lives in the streets all across this archipelago until Suharto was forced out in May, 1998. Let us bow our heads in respect and honour for those martyrs of who have lost their lives.

We have shown, despite all the limitations that we have faced, that the Peoples Democratic Party has been able to survive intact. From the time we were established in May 1994 as the Peoples Democratic Association through to our foundation as a party on April 15, 1996, we have faced not a little testing. Struggle and repression, struggle and repression, struggle and repression ... that has been the life rhythm of our organisation since it was born. Struggle and repression, that is the story of the Indonesian peoples' journey. The Peoples Democratic Party has adopted as its fundamental outlook of struggle, "Popular Social Democracy".

Our party has rooted itself in the struggle of the democratic movement against the New Order dictatorship. This was a struggle, unfolding in the first half of the 1990s, gathering together the potential to struggle of university students, workers, farmers and cultural workers. Our intimate connection with this struggle contrasted our party completely with the other political parties and the political methods that were officially recognised by the New Order regime. When the PRD openly declared itself on July 22, 1996, it saw itself as a part of the pro-democracy movement, differing therefore from the conservative parties which had supported the New Order.

More especially, the Peoples Democratic Party itself was the product of a process of crystallisation which stemmed from the democratic struggle. The founders of the party was comprised of activists who were firmly convinced that the struggle to win democracy must take the form of mass struggle, especially that of the workers, urban poor, ordinary people and students. We waged an open fight against to the New Order. We never tried to hide our vision, program or strategy. Since the beginning, the PRD opened itself up as an instrument of struggle and a school of politics for the people. And because of that, the PRD has never been a part of any conspiracy or rumour-mongering that has become such an unhealthy part of the New Order world of politics.

Since its establishment, our party has been committed to building a democratic movement that was disciplined and organised, gathering together the cadres of a pro-democracy mass struggle and uniting them with a clear vision and program. We cannot allow the struggle for democracy to unfold with no vision or program, where the loyalty and militancy of its members is blind and does not educate.

The PRD too does not wish to be simply part of the decorations at a fiesta of reformasi euphoria.

These were the fundamental principles upon which the PRD was established in 1996. It was these principles that meant we did need to wait for others to open up the "democratic space" and then hurriedly fill up that space once it was opened. No. Once again: no! The PRD remains convinced that these principles were correct. Of course, we understand too that there is always mutual interaction between the theory and practice of struggle. So it should be no surprise to us see how our collective understanding of these fundamental principles has brought us to the concept of "reformasi total" and "transformasi" whose programmatic content has been adopted by many people as the program for transition to democracy today. If we reread today the founding manifesto of the PRD that was proclaimed on July 22, 1996, we will see that much of its program has been accepted as the joint program of struggle for this period: repeal the package of five repressive political laws; abolish the dual function of the armed forces; the establishment of a democratic coalition government; a popular multiparty political system; an independent electoral commission made up of representatives of political parties; a referendum for East Timor; the opening up of a dialogue with the informal leaders of West Papua and Aceh; putting Suharto and his cronies on trial for their political and economic crimes; and so on.

The PRD as a 'Peoples Struggle Party'

When we founded the PRD in 1996, we were convinced that democratic movement was on the rise. Many different organisations, community non-government organisations, and action committees were mushrooming everywhere. The growth of these organisations reflected many different aspirations and interests, including those of workers, students and farmers, as well as those fighting for the emancipation of women and the protection of the environment. From among a section of these activists came the idea that the struggle be waged in a more organised fashion. We knew then that the PRD could not be designed as parties generally were designed. The PRD was born in the midst of the stagnation of the New Order political system. So much power was concentrated in the hands of the Suharto regime, that the whole political arena was in its grip. It was a public secret that the process of domestication of the existing parties and organisations was happening all the time. This was totally exposed each time a party tried to attempt some form of internal consolidation. This phenomenon could never be avoided because from the start the three parties, namely Golkar, the United Development Party and the Indonesian Democratic Party, were political instruments of the New Order dictatorship. The PRD was founded as antithesis to this kind of political design. From the beginning the PRD declared itself as a party of opposition based outside the parliament. The PRD adopted this position very deliberately because there was no space inside the New Order parliament for democracy or change. And, in turn, it was because of this stance that the PRD became the target of repression during the last phase of the New Order. This was a no surprise as the PRD had indeed prepared a program to develop an organised opposition movement against the New Order.

This opposition movement was directed towards the formation of a popular multiparty democracy as an alternative to the New Order political system, which in its essence was anti-democratic. In fact it was a system whereby a political oligarchy served the interests of a tiny civilian and military elite. And this political oligarchy also organised the protection of these groups' economic interests. So political oppression went arm in arm with economic exploitation. The people were oppressed both materially and spiritually.

The Suharto dictatorship has been forced out. Our party played its role in laying the foundations for that struggle. Nobody therefore has any justification for violating the rights of the PRD to exist as a legitimate party. As a party that can be accepted by the Indonesian people. We fully realise too that the struggle is not finished. We fully realise that this current period of transition must still pass through very difficult twists and turns, must climb many difficult inclines. So when the PRD returned to consolidating itself as a party that operated in the open, namely when we formed the Committee to Form the Legalisation of the PRD (KEPAL-PRD), we began to struggle to open the space to further expand our organisation. This was a period of transition for our party also. Never before had our cadres and networks been so spread out through so many parts of the country. The resilience and the commitment to struggle of our cadre during the difficult period of repression now became the propellant for the organisational work of the future. We have always been clear on what our political work is. From the time of the proclamation of our party, through the period of repression and now with the open proclamation of the party again, the political work of the PRD has always been to work among the masses, to organise the masses.

Our tradition of mass organisation has also always meant organising political education as well. Without political education the masses are only ever the political playthings of the political elite. At the same time if this political education is not accompanied by an expansion of the mass support base of the party, then the party will become nothing more than association of intellectuals in their ivory tower.

Opposed to militarism

But even these two things are not enough. Expansion of the mass base and political education are not enough. The energy for struggle by the masses must also be encouraged. They must be a real actor in the process of total reformasi and transformation. This is especially the case during this transition period when there are so many groups wanting to subvert the process to further their own narrow interests. The most dangerous development is the effort of some groups to restore the New Order status quo. There are those groups who think they can win a victory for themselves with concessions or political capitulations to the position of the armed forces. We firmly reject all such opportunism.

The political history of the New Order has taught us that one weakness of our politicians is their dependence on the military. It is this dependence which has often been the source of their vacillation and halfheartedness in efforts to develop a democratic political system. And the first step in any democratic political system is to acknowledge civilian supremacy over the military. If we cannot win this minimum base line then we have not even reached the lowest level of any kind of democracy. In order to effectively oppose this trend, the Peoples Democratic Party appeals to all democratic forces to put forward in their campaign programs the demand for the abolition of the dual function of the armed forces. This is the minimum program of the transition period. To the extent we wish to push this transition period in the direction of solid and genuine multiparty democracy, the abolition of the dual function of the armed forces should be a common policy of the parties.

We must remember that there is always danger when a political force becomes armed or when an armed force enters politics. The people have already paid far too high a price during their 30 years of life under militarism. We have endured the bitter hardship of repression, both that which has befallen the whole people as well as than which has befallen our party in particular. We still remember how the struggle for total reformasi has taken many lives whose value cannot be measured. This came about due to the use of militaristic methods in defence of the interests of a ruling clique. We have truly been put to the test by these various acts of repression. A number of leaders of the PRD (including the general chairperson and the secretary-general) are still behind bars. At the beginning of 1998, ten PRD leaders outside of prison were kidnapped. The fate and whereabouts of three of these are still unknown. The corpse of one was discovered in Madiun.

Why am I going through all this? Not because I am calling upon people to circle the wagons. No! I just want to remind us all that we have gone through hard times together, hard times that all of the people have suffered. We must remember that our efforts to win democracy and social justice are an integral part of the struggle of the Indonesian people. Only in that sense do we have the right to state that since the founding of the PRD through to the present time and into the future the PRD has been a PARTY OF POPULAR STRUGGLE! I say this as a reminder to us all of the need for our faithfulness to the mandate of the people's suffering.

Reformasi and transformation based on popular power

The PRD has, from the beginning, declared itself a party of struggle committed to the organisation of all potential support for resistance against the New Order dictatorship. Our aim and target has been to establish a popular multiparty political system. The intention has been to empower the people in the political, economic and social spheres. This was all clearly stated in the PRD Manifesto. We want an end to the political life that we all experienced under the New Order, namely a political life dominated by a tiny political elite. In a popular multiparty system, the people must be the determining factor. How can that be achieved? We have shown the answer through action. We established a party as an independent vehicle for the people. We have demanded that the political system be opened up to allow for the widest possible participation of the people. There must be freedom of organisation and freedom for political parties. And the course of political developments in our country has confirmed the correctness and appropriateness of this program.

And today also, thanks to the struggle of the people that was pioneered by the students, the people have seized their freedom, although not in full, or ideally. because there is still the heritage and the remnants of the apparatus of the New Order and the dual function of the armed forces.

Now parties are sprouting like mushrooms in the rainy season. That is a consequence of democracy. Only the conservatives try to block this. We cannot step backwards. That would just mean never ending conflict. The PRD will stand in the front ranks of all those who fight anti-democratic actions. The PRD is for total reformasi. And that means the PRD will continue the struggle for genuine democracy, popular multiparty democracy. Popular democracy not only means providing the opportunity for the people to voice their aspirations but also stresses the need for partisanship in support of the aspiration of the workers, labourers, peasants and other elements of the working class. As a pro-democratic force, the PRD will continue the struggle for a more ideal form of democracy, a form where popular control is continually strengthened. We will struggle to strengthen the parliament, so that the executive will not be able to act arbitrarily in the implementation of policy, In fact, the PRD proposes the institution of the parliamentary [as distinct from presidential, Ed.] form of government.

We believed this will be supported by the people. But total reformasi will not guarantee justice to the people if we ourselves do not also give attention to this aspect. By justice here, we mean the provision of equal opportunities to all the people to realise their material and spiritual potentials. Democracy must be accompanied by social justice. This is the basic principle of the struggle philosophy of our party: Popular Social Democracy.

Popular social democracy is a form of war against exploitation of human beings by others, either in the form of capital's exploitation of labour or the exploitation that arises from patriarchal domination. We can only achieve this aim through democratic forms of struggle, which requires a system of popular multiparty democracy. So we do not only need just [political] reformasi but also a struggle to establish more just social relations. We will call for a social transformation in the life of the Indonesian society, so that there is no longer a concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny elite. We will not accept a situation where the freedom provided under democracy only benefits the forces of capital in dominating every aspect of the mental and material life of the people.

We often hear some people tying the struggle for democracy to the demand for globalisation. And this is usually accompanied by the call for international capital to be able to enter this country freely as it wishes. The PRD is not anti foreign capital, but the PRD will oppose any flow of capital into the country that is not subject to the control of the Indonesian people. We have seen during the last 32 years how this freedom for foreign capital has caused suffering for the people. Furthermore the uncontrolled expansion of foreign capital into the country has also resulted in the massive exploitation of natural resources and has caused great damage to the environment.

Our struggle for democracy has not been in the service of the global markets. Our struggle has been for the spiritual empowerment of the people so that in the end the people themselves will control all the material resources in their world, all the resources in the womb of their homeland.

If total reformasi must lead to the institution of popular multiparty democracy, then these changes in the social relations constitute a popular social-democratic economic system. When the PRD speaks of popular social-democracy do not imagine, as the old regime slandered us, that we are talking about communism of the kind found in Eastern Europe, China or the former Soviet Union. We are among the most fervent critics of state repression no matter under what ideological banner. An ideology that is rooted among the people must be able to break all shackles that limit, repress, marginalise and keep humankind backward; and this must be able to be done justly, honestly, ethically, peacefully, in a modern manner and with tolerance. Ideological difference is a part of the mosaic of civilian society that must be protected by all ideologies. So popular social-democracy is not just an ideology for the PRD, but also is something which imposes the task of protecting pluralism and the rights of other groups, no matter how marginal.

Popular social democracy is a form of democratic socialism where pluralism is defended and where economic forms are strived for which further the public interest and improve the social and cultural activities of society.

Popular social-democracy can only be achieved democratically. It needs a society where the free development of each individual is the precondition for the free development of all. For the PRD, the building of popular social-democratic society requires a struggle against the exploitation of human beings by human beings, patriarchal repression and which fights the destruction of the environment done in the pursuit of economic growth. For the PRD, popular social-democracy is the struggle to sustain and to develop human culture, to defend human rights, and to build a just society where humankind's economic activities are organised in a democratic, civilised and ethical manner. For the PRD, popular social-democracy is a system of values where freedom and independence, equality and solidarity, human emancipation, social justice, environmental protection and peace represent an inseparable unity.

So the PRD rejects the neo-liberal economics that stands behind globalisation. Neo-liberal economics turns Indonesia in no more than an object of exploitation, of our natural resources and cheap labour. The people have suffered enough! The people's misery has gone on too long! Now is the time for the people to establish their sovereignty in politics, economics and culture. Now is the time for the people to determine their own destiny and the future of Indonesia. There can be no more delay.

Why is the PRD participating in the elections?

The echoes of calls for reformasi still reverberate, tears still stream from our eyes, the memories of the blood spilled by our martyrs are still with us, yet already we are faced with the bitter reality that the democratic space that was won by the students with the support of the people is being subverted. The people's demands that the government be cleansed of remnants of the old order and that the dual function of the armed forces be abolished have not been met.

Yet on the other hand we witness the new enthusiasm in society for politics. The emergence of new parties, with new names, symbols and programs, is a sign that the people have long awaited the moment where it will be they that will determine the future of their country. Furthermore, as a result of popular pressure, there will be general elections in 1999. Yet again the people face another bitter reality, the new laws on general elections is still not democratic. The clearest evidence of this is that the armed forces is given 38 unelected seats in the parliament. The law also still provides for representation of the government in the General Elections Commission. These are clear obstacles to the implementation of free and fair elections. The PRD will not stop in its struggle to change these laws.

Of course then the question arises: why did the PRD finally decide to participate in these elections? As I have indicated above, the participation of the PRD in these elections is not without reservations. We cannot deny the fact that these elections are channeling the peoples expectations towards the idea that reformasi can only be completed through these elections. This is the way that the people are understanding this question.

But, of course, we will not let the people's illusions remain at that level. At the same time, the PRD cannot allow these coming elections, where there is a popular consciousness for participation, to be monopolised by programs aiming at deceiving the people. We cannot allow this political arena to be monopolised by programs offering only illusions and a sense of euphoria.

PRD decided to descend into this arena, but not primarily in the chase for the maximum number of votes. The PRD decided to dive into this work not just as an electoral machine, but as a way to politically educate the masses, to raise their consciousness. So the PRD will not just be trying to shepherd people into voting for the PRD, but rather, trying to win the masses to the idea that the process of total reformasi and social transformation must be completed. To deliver these messages, the PRD must be in the midst of the masses, speaking directly to them, openly! We must not isolate ourselves from the people, as was our commitment from the time we formed the Peoples Democratic Association. This is the holy mandate that must be kept to by a party that calls itself a party of people's struggle.

We are a party with the humility to learn from experience and reality. Our experience has taught is that the struggle for democracy is not a freeway.

It is full of twists and turns and all sorts of inclines. As a party we will always be called to face new challenges in new arenas of struggle. The people will become the grand judge of the correctness of our program, strategy and visions. Every leader and member of the PRD must be able to explain our program to the people, in a language that the people can absorb, and, in the end, with a spirit that will move the people into struggle with the PRD.

And our experience also tells us that we cannot be too optimistic that these coming elections will be free and fair. One of the main reasons is the continuing resilience of the bureaucratic machinery inherited from the New Order. The fact that this machinery is still intact is of grave concern.

This machinery has had decades of experience to develop its skills in manipulating the votes of the people, either through vote buying – now known as "money politics" – or through intimidation. The PRD remains of the view that a precondition for a free and fair election is a transitional government free of any remnants of the old regime. We have never wavered from this view. We will try to bring to the people the view that free and fair elections will never be achieved until we severe those historical shackles.

As an organisation of popular struggle, the cadre and supporters of the PRD will be the representatives of the PRD in the midst of the masses. You will be the front-line soldiers. What you do will have a big influence of the reputation of our party among the masses. Because we have long been recognised by the masses as a party of struggle, do not be surprised if the people demand dedication and sacrifice from you that they do not demand of other parties. I am not meaning here to praise the work of our party in an exaggerated manner. We here in prison often receive reports of how enthusiastic the people respond when a PRD flag is hoisted outside the home of a PRD cadre in their kampung. Cadre often report how local people explain that they have long awaited for the PRD to be able to exist openly. They, the people, have developed their own way of analysing the PRD. They know the PRD not from the unfair version presented by the regime or by our opponents. No! The people recognise and love the PRD precisely because of the suffering they have experienced under the New Order.

So the cadre of the PRD must guard the reputation of the PRD as a party of struggle always at the forefront among the masses. We know we still suffer from many limitations, including that of limited finances. So we are not a party that can win support by distributing money, T-shirts or flags. We must win support through the ability of our cadre to explain our politics to the people. There are many things that we can talk to them about.

Party cadres working among the peasants must be able to explain the PRD's program in relation to agriculture: the issue of land ownership, the social role of land as a means of production; the question of a just management of the irrigation system; the land reform law and so on. For cadre working among the workers, you must be able to explain the nature of the relationship between workers and bosses, about freedom to organise, about the wages system that the PRD is struggling for – about the nature of the capitalist system which has been exploiting them all this time and about the need for a modern and democratic transformation of society. For those working among the students, you must be able to explain to these young cadre the reasons for the PRD participating in the elections and that the PRD sides with them completely in the struggle for total reformasi. For the PRD cadre amidst the intellectuals – those working for women's emancipation and in the environment movement – you must be able to explain and convince them of our program and strategy and that we have a long term perspective for the struggle and that we are not just interested in immediate gains. To all the PRD cadre, throughout Indonesia, tell the people that they have suffered enough, they have been in poverty for long enough, that they have experienced enough oppression. Now is the time for the people to rise up, daring and conscious, with organisation and leadership.

In this phase of the struggle, the Peoples Democratic Party must consolidate itself. It must equip itself with the program needed to bring it close to the people. And our people are a people who are suffering. They await our presence in their midst. From this moment unfurl the party's flag in the fields, the plantations, in the factories, the overpopulated slums and villages, in the students quarters, and so on. Call upon them to join our triumphant party making every members' home a centre for the party's activities. Turn the activist posts of the PRD into centres of political education. Distribute our publications so that they can communicate our activities throughout the country.

That is the only way that the people will grow closer, and closer still to the PRD.

The struggle to expand the PRD must go hand in hand with the struggle to raise the political consciousness of the people. This has been the tradition of our party since it was formed in 1994. We must continue this tradition.

We have faith that the people will be able to assess our commitment to them. The people will decide for themselves if the program of struggle and the strategy of a party is true and correct, so that they should join.

In a period such as this, it can be very dangerous if a party only offers illusions and a sense of euphoria. The uncertainties of this period of transition may last a long time. This can result in many different possibilities. The PRD must explain this.

Popularise the slogans of the PRD as a source of enthusiasm and spirit for the people. Call upon the people to stand up and struggle with the PRD in confronting these elections, and onwards after that.

Good luck with your work, good luck with your struggle.

Cipinang Prison, Jakarta 21 March, 1999 Central Leadership, Peoples Democratic Party.

[Translated by Max Lane, ASIET National Coordinator]