[Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) and the Institute for the Study of the Press and Development (LSPP).]
On 20 March 1997 AJI will publish its second annual report, on this occasion in conjunction with the Institute for the Study of the Press and Development (LSPP). This summarizes its main findings.
In assessing the state of the Indonesian media in 1996 it is clear that the struggle for press freedom still has a long way to go before it can be realized. The media still faces a range of obstacles to achieving independence, and pressure on publications and journalists remains a way of life. The most extreme example of the dangers inherent in carrying out a journalist's profession - to act as a conveyor of information to society - was the murder in August of Bernas journalist Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin.
The problem of pressure being exerted by media investors on editorial independence became increasingly significant during 1996. Included in this was the issue of the influence exerted by the Minister of Information - who owns shares in a large number of publications - on the media by both direct and indirect means. The Minister's use of the SIUPP (the publication licence required by all mass media) as a tool of control over who can operate in the industry, has also been an important issue during 1996. These efforts at constraint appear to reflect official concern at the possibility of independent publications linking up with independent financial backers which could in turn threaten the status quo.
The arrival in the market of new publications, or changes in existing ones, has also been a hallmark of developments in the media. Yet they do not necessarily mean good news as far as media independence is concerned. If the trend towards increasing ties between the mass media and political interests continues the media will undoubtedly lose its critical spirit and will become no more than a sterile industry, lacking in innovation and independence.
In the context of the forthcoming general elections at the end of May 1997, 1996 already witnessed evidence of strong media bias in favour of Golkar. Meanwhile, with the presidential succession still a subject of hot debate, a number of powerful players can be seen to have been seeking to promote their own interests through media aligned to them.
Since the 1980s there has been concern at the danger to editorial independence inherent in the trend towards ownership of the mass media by conglomerates. This concern has been heightened over the last two years, during which shifts in ownership, in particular in the print media, have been largely towards those with close ties to the political leadership. The mass media is, without doubt, a high risk industry for investors. Besides the usual financial risk, the continuing requirement that all mass publications have a SIUPP - which may be granted and withdrawn at will by the Minister of Information - adds a significant political risk factor to the equation. Motivation of investors is also an issue: i.e. whether their investment is a purely business decision, or whether other strategic interests - for example political interests - are a factor.
In 1996 16 groups controlled 292 publications. These groups can be divided into two categories. The first comprises those businesses that began in the media and subsequently diversified into other fields, such as Kompas - Grafiti, Jawa Pos, Sinar Kasih and Pos Kota. The other group refers to those that did the reverse, i.e. who were initially involved in other areas of business, such as groups owned by Aburizal Bakrie, Cipta Lamtoro Gung, Bimantara, Abdul Latief, Agung Laksono, Bob Hasan and Suwikatmono.
This "press publication oligopoly", as press analyst Christianto Wibisono describes it means that only a small number of groups now control the print media. Only those with big money to invest, and only those of whom the government approves, can get the SIUPP required to formally publish.
A group of ex-Tempo employees found this to their cost when they sought a SIUPP for the magazine Opini (Opinion) following the ban of Tempo magazine in June 1994. By contrast, a SIUPP was granted to Gatra, the magazine owned by a close associate of President Soeharto, Bob Hasan, that some other ex-Tempo journalists joined.
There have been changes in the financial control of six media during 1996. The kind of concern that these changes in ownership can give rise to is exemplified by the case of Forum Keadilan. The magazine, previously owned and managed by Grafiti Pers, was taken over by PT Larsa Media whose director in chief is Rahmat Ismail, along with the former director of Telkom, Setyanto. In large part the sale was a result of pressure placed on Grafiti Pers which reached the point where some members of the Keadilan Foundation sought the sanction of the Ministry of Information to freeze the magazine's licence until the situation was resolved.
For Target, one of the newcomers to the market in 1996, interference in editorial independence by its financial backer, Agung Laksono, who is also a senior member of Golkar, has been a repeated occurrence. For example, when the news about Edy Tansil's escape from Cipinang prison broke, Agung Laksono asked the editor not to publish a story on the subject, particularly concerning the interrogation of Edy Tansil's brother, Hendra Rahardja, because Hendra is a business colleague of Agung. The editor responded by refusing to publish an edition of the magazine that week. Continuing conflicts between the editorial staff and the financial management, plus pressure from the Ministry of Information, has resulted in a number of issues not being published since then.
The year has seen eight new publications in the market place, of which Target is one, covering a range of issues. Target, like another of the new publications, Aksi, is licensed to cover legal and criminal topics. Meanwhile the new monthly magazine, Tajuk, has a general remit, Aura is a women's tabloid, and health is the subject matter of the new publication, Sartika, part of the Femina group.
Kontan, which represents the first ever tabloid to focus on business and economics, was first published in October. Its high quality staff - the chief editor is Jakob Oetama, the deputy chief editor (and former managing editor of Tempo) is A. Margana, and the publication also boasts a number of ex-Tempo journalists - has ensured the rapid growth of its popularity in the marketplace. But it's growing success has been threatened by political pressures. The government-backed journalists' association, the PWI, has queried the employment at the tabloid of a number of journalists who signed the Sirnagalih Declaration which represents the founding document of AJI. Both the PWI and the Ministry of Information have insisted that all journalists working at Kontan become members of the PWI, the country's only officially-recognized journalists' grouping.
In addition to a number of new publications emerging during the year, 1996 has also seen management reshuffles or changes in management in seven others, and another six have experienced changes in sources of financial backing.
One of these is the magazine D & R, previously owned by the Selecta group under the full name of Detiktif dan Romantika (Detective and Romance). It's editor, Gusti Emran, explains that since the late 1980s the magazine had been through ups and downs, resulting in a steady stream of journalists leaving the publication to the point that it was more or less paralysed. In 1996 Grafiti Pers, Tempo's publisher, injected funds into the magazine, which then moved away from gossip journalism and became a respected journal featuring legal and criminal issues.
Like Kontan, D & R has come under scrutiny from the PWI and the Ministry of Information, to the extent that the PWI withdrew its recommendation from Gusti Emran as editor on the grounds that he was employing AJI members. Both cases amply demonstrate the way in which in Indonesia professions such as that of journalism come under harsh pressure as a result of political considerations from the very professional group that claims to work on their behalf.
Violence against journalists increased in 1996. The most serious incident concerned the murder of Bernas journalist Fuad Mohammad Syarifudin (more commonly known as Udin) in August 1996. Not only was the murder itself of extreme concern - particularly as he is widely believed to have been killed because of his articles critical of a local government official - but the actions taken by the authorities in response to his death also demonstrate wholesale abuse of power. The regent of Bantul, who is implicated in Udin's murder, has yet to be questioned. Instead Dwi Sumaji, an employee of an advertising company, was plied with drink, provided with a prostitute, and promised money by police officials in return for confessing to Udin's murder. Despite subsequently retracting his "confession" the police are still seeking to bring him to trial, although to date the palpable lack of proof has caused the court to refuse to hear the case.
The year also saw a number of other cases of human rights abuses of journalists in the course of carrying out their professional activities. During the 27 July riots in Jakarta, for example, a number of journalists were beaten by security forces, often despite the fact that they made it clear that they were present in their professional capacities. For example Cecep Sukma was beaten up by security forces after he was seen photographing them beating up another man. In Surabaya the following day two other journalists received similar treatment when they were reporting on a PDI protest march in the city. Surya journalist Adi Sutarwijono and Surabaya Post journalist Subechi were arrested and taken to the district military command headquarters where both Adi and Subechi were beaten up by officials who paid no attention to their attempts to clarify who they were.
These are by no means the only examples of this form of abuse of power. But the journalists affected are nonetheless generally reluctant or in sufficiently daring to attempt to take those responsible to court. One reason for this is the perceived weakness and pro-government bias of the Indonesian justice system. Sadly, rarer still are instances of a publication being prepared to confront those responsible for the violation of their employees fundamental human rights. Instead these cases are simply left to fade away.
New regulations issued by the government ensure that the mass media will play a more significant role than ever with respect to the forthcoming general elections. Yet if the media's treatment of political developments in 1996 are anything to go by there is little doubt that the government will be working hard to ensure that its own version of events are the ones that are published in the run up to the May 1997 elections.
Political interference in editorial independence was perhaps most evident in the context of the most dramatic political developments of the year: the PDI crisis, the 27 July riots and the scapegoating of the Democratic People's Party (PRD). Shortly before the events of 27 July a senior military official visited a number of editorial offices with allegations that members of the PRD were communists. These claims were duly given considerable coverage by a number of mass media, despite the fact that the details provided by the authorities proved to be inaccurate.
Publications who sought to find their own answers to the political crisis came under strong pressure to desist. Forum magazine, for example, received a warning when it published a critical study of the 27 July incident, as well as publishing a column by a well-respected political analyst who likened the events to the Malari incident in 1974. Another column in the magazine by noted intellectual Y.B. Mangunwijaya also no doubt angered the authorities, given his contention that the deliberate use of the issue of communism against weak opponents constitutes evidence of the use of communist tactics by the very people making the accusations.
Despite the growing pressures on the media ahead of the 1997 elections, it has been interesting to note a form of resistance to this that has continued to develop throughout the year: the "alternative" media. Respect for "alternative" media such as Kabar dari Pijar, Suara Independen, Bergerak, Media Kita and Siar is growing both for their demonstration of resistance to official censorship as well as their provision of uncensored, often very well sourced, information. Articles from these media are also to be found, along with other uncensored commentaries in cyberspace, through Indonesia L, often known as Apakabar, which is has become well known as a reliable vehicle for alternative information.
Sadly, however, the daring of the "alternative" media has yielded victims in 1996, just as it did in 1995 with the imprisonment of Ahmad Taufik, Eko Maryadi, Tri Agus Susanto Siswowihardjo and Danang Kukuh Wardoyo. In October two printers - Andy Syahputra and Dasrul - were arrested for taking an order from the magazine Suara Independen (Independent Voice). Andy Shayputra is currently on trial accused of insulting the president, a charge that carries a maximum penalty of seven years' imprisonment.
This case gives a strong indication of the kind of challenge the "alternative" media is likely to face as the elections approach. Nonetheless its continuing vibrancy in spite of such pressures, and the eagerness with which publication of such unlicensed publications is greeted by the readers must be a source of encouragement for all those working to achieve freedom of the press in Indonesia.