Muhammad Beni Saputra – After the fall of Soeharto's repressive New Order regime, new media outlets emerged across Indonesia, and a new diversity in perspectives followed. However, this was not true of public journalism. In fact, the post-Soeharto era has been characterised by the oligarchisation and corporatisation of the Indonesian press.

While some alternative outlets did emerge in the first decade after Soeharto's fall, it was only digitalisation that truly breathed new life into public journalism and won it a much broader audience. Journalists and activists no longer need to purchase expensive printing machines or spend large sums of money to publish the news. Now, a few hundred thousand rupiah and a smartphone or a cheap laptop is sufficient to start a media outlet. It is this easy access that gave birth to now-prominent alternative media outlets in Indonesia such as Remotivi, Watchdoc Documentary, Konde and Project Multatuli, to name just a few.

The emergence of these outlets has reshaped the media landscape of Indonesia. Not since Soeharto's suppression of political journalism in the early 1970s have Indonesian outlets consistently provided a platform for grassroots and marginalised voices in such a sustained manner.

A good example is the reporting of a rape case in Baubau, Southeast Sulawesi, by Project Multatuli in 2023. This case was particularly troubling: two young girls were reportedly raped by some men, but when the mother reported the case to the police, her oldest son was the one charged. The mother and the girls denied it was him, but the authorities arrested the son nonetheless. Project Multatuli played a critical role in exposing the corruption behind the case, and its reporting triggered the viral hashtag of #PercumaLaporPolisi (#NoUseGoingtoThePolice).

Another example is the documentary Sexy Killers by Watchdoc Image (part of Watchdoc Documentary). Broadcast on YouTube, it provided valuable insights into the oligarchic networks backing the presidential candidates in the 2019 election. The video immediately gained public traction, garnering 27 million views in just four days. There are many other examples that demonstrate the critical role the alternative media play in shaping the country's journalism.

However, the alternative media are now facing serious challenges.

Domestic challenge: a restrictive broadcasting law

The first challenge is domestic, coming from proposed revisions to the 2002 Broadcasting Law. Article 50B(2)C of the draft Bill stipulates a ban on 'exclusive investigative journalism broadcasts'. The draft Bill does not clearly explain what is meant by this term, but it redefines the term 'broadcast' to encompass video content distributed via digital platforms. The provision can be interpreted as banning the dissemination of investigative reporting in audio-visual formats.

This is especially concerning because the low literacy rate in Indonesia means text-based investigative reporting tends to have significantly less impact than video-based formats. Moreover, alternative media have gained prominence in Indonesia largely through video platforms, particularly YouTube. Both Watchdoc Documentary and Project Multatuli use YouTube to distribute their investigative reports to gain strong engagement with their audiences.

The revision of the broadcasting law, particularly the clause banning video-based investigative journalism, therefore seems designed to target alternative media. The rationale is that the ruling authorities have found it increasingly difficult to control public perception amidst the shift in media consumption habits in Indonesia. Mainstream media, long used by the elite as the dominant tool for shaping public discourse, have been in steady decline. Major newspapers have either ceased operations or are struggling. Television, once dominant, is no longer widely watched. In contrast, YouTube has become one of the most widely (if not even the most) used video platforms in Indonesia. Thanks to YouTube, even Tempo – long considered a leading legacy print media – has seen a resurgence in popularity through its Bocor Alus Politik podcast program.

If the proposed amendments to the media law are passed, alternative media will be severely undermined. They will then be easily prosecuted in court, as Article 51E of the proposed revision draft makes clear. They will no longer be able to expose corruption, campaign against environmental destruction, or report on the human rights abuses that remain widespread in Indonesia.

Instead, the void left by the absence of critical voices on video platforms will likely be filled by pro-government outlets and influencers echoing state narratives. This would create an echo chamber in which only those in power speak, while the public remains silenced. This scenario poses a grave threat to Indonesian democracy, which has been in serious decline in recent years.

Global challenge: donor cash drying up?

The second challenge comes from the fact that the Western liberal order also seems to be in decline, with the United States shifting towards illiberalism under President Donald Trump. This is problematic for the alternative media in Indonesia because they have been largely supported by funding from international donors. One of the main contributors has been USAID. Financial assistance from the American aid agency has enabled alternative media to cover a range of grassroots stories from across Indonesia. Project Multatuli, for instance, received a $17,000 grant from USAID early this year.

While alternative media generally do not disclose detailed information on how grant funding is allocated, such funding is often used not only to support news production but also to facilitate collaboration with other alternative local media on critical issues affecting local communities. Project Multatuli, for instance, has partnered with Bandung Bergerak (Bandung, West Java) and Floresa (Flores, East Nusa Tenggara) to jointly report stories to amplify the impact of their journalism. Given that approximately 50% of Project Multatuli's revenue is derived from grants, it is plausible to conclude that these collaborative efforts were at least partially funded by the grants it received.

The recent dismantling of USAID under the Trump administration therefore presents a serious threat to the sustainability of Indonesian alternative media. So far, most alternative media outlets have not developed strong business models. While some have begun diversifying their revenue streams through subscriptions and crowdfunding, these methods remain unstable, as willingness to pay for news remains low in Indonesia.

Unless alternative media can secure new international donors to fill the gap left by USAID, whose global budget for supporting independent media reached $268,376,000 in 2025, they will struggle to stay afloat. Worse, many may have no choice but to cease operations entirely or align with the government, as many mainstream outlets have done. If they choose the second option, the consequent loss of credibility would probably mean their end in any case.

Twilight of Indonesian alternative media?

It is imperative for civil society to intensify its opposition to the proposed revision of the 2002 Broadcasting Law, particularly by demanding the removal of Article 50B. It is also essential for alternative media to develop sustainable revenue sources to replace USAID funding, including redoubling efforts to expand their subscription bases.

Digitalisation has enabled the emergence of alternative media in Indonesia. Their presence has significantly challenged the oligarchic nature of the country's media landscape. However, this progress is now under serious threat from inside and outside of the country. Unless these threats are addressed, the end is in sight for Indonesia's vibrant and courageous alternative media.

Source: https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/indonesias-alternative-media-thriving-but-for-how-long