Marina Ika Sari – The establishment of a National Defence Council (NDC) is a significant development in the early months of Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto's administration. The NDC represents a good first step towards better defence policymaking, but Indonesia's broader defence strategy is in increasingly urgent need of revitalisation.
According to a 2024 presidential decree concerning the NDC, the NDC serves as a non-structural institution tasked with providing strategic advice and formulating policy solutions for national defence. This encompasses Indonesia's sovereignty, territorial integrity and national security. The NDC will target areas including geostrategy, geopolitics and geo-economics. In essence, it plays a critical role as the president's advisory body in shaping defence policies and mobilising all components of national defence.
The 2024 decree supersedes a similar 1999 decree regarding the National Resilience Council, which has now been abolished. The National Resilience Council (Dewan Ketahanan Nasional, or Wantannas) focused on security and safety involving the police force, whereas the new NDC emphasises defence and relies on the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI).
The formation of the NDC is not a new idea – its establishment was already mandated by the 2002 Law on National Defence. The NDC functions as a 'melting pot,' integrating civilian and military perspectives on defence to create a more comprehensive and holistic approach to policy formulation. Combining civilian and military expertise, the NDC is well-positioned to work with the defence ministry in drafting an updated defence white paper for Indonesia.
There is an urgent need for this, as the last edition was published in 2015. The white paper provides a comprehensive policy statement issued by the Minister of Defence to the public and international community. It communicates Indonesia's defence outlook and outlines realistic goals for the future of the nation's security.
The 2015 Defence White Paper is outdated, still embodying the policies of former president Joko Widodo's administration, including the unrealised Global Maritime Fulcrum ambition. Its analysis of future security threats only covers a five-year projection from the document's release, failing to account for evolving global dynamics beyond 2020. The 2015 Defence White Paper must be renewed to bring Indonesia's defence strategy into the present.
The military is meanwhile increasingly involved in domestic affairs. Programs initiated by President Prabowo, including the Free Nutritious Meals program and the expansion of food estates, directly involve the military in their implementation. In February 2025, the Indonesian Army announced plans to establish five new territorial commands (Kodam) and 100 territorially-based 'development' battalions to support the government's food security agenda. This approach highlights Prabowo's emphasis on the military as a key player in policy delivery.
Recently, the government passed revisions to the 2004 law on the TNI, despite widespread opposition from various segments of society. The amendments include three key points: Article 3, which defines the TNI's role in Military Operations Other Than War; Article 47, which expands the civilian positions that active-duty TNI members can hold in 15 ministries; and Article 53, which extends the retirement age for TNI personnel. Those policies have drawn criticism, with concerns that they could lead to excessive militarisation, military encroachment into civilian affairs, and the weakening of civilian supremacy.
Prabowo's defence policy brings a focus to the modernisation of defence equipment. The Minimum Essential Force (MEF) policy – a policy that sets out the minimum requirements of national defence for Indonesia to be prepared for any threat – has only achieved 65 per cent of its 100 per cent target as of early 2025, 15 years after implementation began. With the conclusion of the MEF in 2024, the government has introduced a new policy called the Optimum Essential Force, which should be included in the updated white paper.
Beyond meeting the needs for defence equipment, the defence industry must also adapt to advancements in defence technology to address non-traditional threats – like cybercrime – that pose risks not only to national security but also to human security.
At the regional level, the next white paper must outline the South China Sea as a primary concern. Amid rising US – China tensions, particularly under the renewed Trump administration, a likely tougher stance on China could have big consequences for the region.
Indonesia must also reaffirm ASEAN centrality to position itself as a balancing force between the two major powers and avoid becoming entangled in their rivalry. An updated white paper must address other flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific region, including risks in the Taiwan Strait and the Korean Peninsula. The paper must also address global conflicts, including the Russia – Ukraine war and the Israel – Palestine conflict. It should also highlight Indonesia's potential role as an experienced mediator in international conflicts.
By aligning the NDC's strategic role with an urgent revision of Indonesia's defence white paper, Indonesia can better address national, regional and global challenges, ensuring a reliable defence strategy for the future.
[Marina Ika Sari is the Coordinator and Researcher for the ASEAN Studies Program at The Habibie Center. She holds a Master's degree in Defense Diplomacy from the Republic of Indonesia Defense University.]
Source: https://eastasiaforum.org/2025/04/05/indonesias-defence-strategy-is-in-urgent-need-of-a-refresh