Sunanda Creagh – When President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono formed a special taskforce to root out graft in the judiciary, many hoped a House of Representatives commission tasked with overseeing legal matters would be a help, not a hindrance.
Indonesia's 11 parliamentary commissions – each made up of around 50 lawmakers – are responsible for portfolios ranging from energy and finance to law enforcement and foreign affairs, and are often influential in government policy. But criticism abounds that the commissions merely add another layer of bureaucracy – and opportunity for graft – to a system already tangled in red tape and corruption.
"The main problem of corruption in Indonesia is within the political parties, so it is hard to have any hope the commissions will do something to address corruption – even if there are some individuals who want to try," said Adnan Topan Husodo of Indonesia Corruption Watch.
A case in point is commission number 3, tasked with overseeing the legal system that Yudhoyono has vowed to clean up during his second term – reform seen as vital if Indonesia is to continue to attract the sort of investment that made it Southeast Asia's most attractive investment destination last year.
The head of the commission, Benny Kabur Harman of Yudhoyono's own Democrat Party, dismayed many when he said he thought the government should pare back wiretapping powers of the ant-graft watchdog, the KPK, a move likely to neutralise one of its most effective weapons.
Harman also caused a surprise by saying he preferred career judges – widely seen as tainted by the corrupt system in which they have worked so long – to non-career judges, usually academics who are seen as more independent and clean.
Political parties work hard to get as many members as they can on each commission to help control policy, and competition for the post of chairman is fierce.
"In theory they can and are supposed to vigorously test proposed laws, but this is politics," said Aleksius Jemadu, a political analyst at Pelita Harapan University, adding that politicians usually put their party before the public interest.
"The head of commissions have a lot of influence," said Kevin O'Rourke, a Jakarta-based analyst and author of Reformasi Weekly.
However, he added: "I think a lot of the commission heads are quite lackluster and there are relatively few reformers that have emerged in these posts." O'Rourke said while Harman did not have a reputation as a reformer, the head of Commission 7 on Energy, Teuku Riefky Harsa was promising and could help guide legislation aimed at cutting Indonesia's hugely expensive energy subsidy bill.
"A major part of his role will be to provide parliamentary support for potentially controversial policy decisions by the Yudhoyono administration – for instance, fuel price hikes if international oil prices rise," O'Rourke said.
O'Rourke said the head of Commission 1 on foreign affairs, Kemal Azis Stamboel from the Islam-based Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), was also likely to be a policy innovator.
"He may reapply some pressure on Singapore for its lack of an extradition treaty, for example," he said, referring to the frequent occurance of wealthy businessmen and officials fleeing to Singapore if they come under suspicion of corruption.
He said the head of Commission 9 on labour, Ribka Tjiptaning, however does not stand out as a pro-market reformer and is likely to oppose an overhaul of Indonesia's strict labour laws, which make it very hard to hire or fire workers. "Her middle name is Proletariyati and her stances tend to be correspondingly dogmatic," O'Rourke said.
Adding to mix is the fact that commission meetings are sometimes broadcast on local TV, which usually results in more political grandstanding than real problem-solving, said analyst Jemadu.
A case in point was the appearance last year before the legal commission 3 of a top policeman linked to a corruption scandal. He was given a standing ovation when he arrived to give evidence.