Stephanie Lidya Nashirah Suprapto – In early October, President Prabowo Subianto swore in Irene (who uses only one name) as Indonesia's first deputy ambassador to China. Her appointment is a symptom of troubling developments in Indonesia's foreign policymaking. It raises serious questions about the importance of competence and meritocracy in Indonesia's diplomatic service.
Who is Irene?
Irene is a young doctor, socialite, and the commissioner and co-founder of the Faunaland ecopark.
Her background does not indicate real experience in foreign policy and diplomacy, and the government is yet to explain what credentials she has that qualify her to be deputy ambassador to China.
All we know for now is that Irene's public social media posts in 2024 showed her attending a 75th anniversary dinner of the People's Republic of China at the Chinese Embassy in Jakarta, meeting former Ambassador of China to Indonesia Lu Kang, and engaging with Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs Sugiono. But it is unclear in what capacity she attended this event, and what she did there. It is hard to say if her presence there really counts as 'diplomacy.'
Her political footprint, however, suggests that she has maintained close connections to President Prabowo since around 2012. In 2019, she ran as a legislative candidate for the Papua electoral district for his Gerindra party. In 2024, she ran again as a candidate for the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) for the South Papua electoral district. She also served as Prabowo-Gibran national campaign team spokesperson.
With the absence of explanations from the Indonesian government regarding her credibility, Irene's track record seems distant indeed from the profile of the sort of person who should be at the frontier of Indonesia's diplomatic efforts at time of growing geopolitical tensions.
Why Irene and why China?
While the Indonesian business sector might like the idea of Irene's appointment for reasons of strengthening trade and investment, the question remains of whether expertise in diplomacy is central for such a diplomatic position. Focusing solely on business interests without consideration for diplomatic prowess in appointing representatives risks sidelining diplomatic, political, and even international law concerns, as likely happened with the Indonesia-China joint development agreement in November 2024.
The reasons for appointing a deputy ambassador to China stated by the government remain unsatisfactory. They include China's sheer size, as well as the complex dynamics of cooperation between the two countries, which need to be managed strategically, quickly, and with coordination across sectors, and so require real diplomatic skill.
As deputy ambassador, Irene will reportedly be tasked with assisting dealings with the Chinese government, including plans to open another Indonesian Consulate General in China. In light of the budget cuts to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs under President Prabowo's administration, wouldn't it be more reasonable to choose someone who is already experienced? Indonesia needs someone familiar with diplomatic practices, Chinese government and diplomatic channels, and the technicalities of opening Indonesian missions abroad, not someone who will have to learn on the job.
Moreover, China is not the only country with which Indonesia has a tricky relationship. In the context of geopolitical rivalry with China, Indonesia's relations with the US also involve challenges, as recent tariff negotiations showed. There is a risk that the inauguration of a deputy ambassador to China, but not any to other country, might send signals that Indonesia seeks closer ties with China, creating unbalanced relations. This could add layers of complexity to Indonesia's relations with the US, China, and even other countries as well.
Moreover, Prabowo's recent massive budget cuts have hit the foreign service hard. They affect rotations of ambassadors, consul generals, and home staff for assignments to and from Indonesian missions abroad. The decision to add a deputy ambassador to China contradicts the 'efficiency agenda' that the same administration imposed. This is only exacerbated by appointing someone who seems to lack diplomatic and foreign policy skills, and will need significant support.
In fact, Indonesia already has a deputy chief of mission (DCM) for its Embassy in Beijing: career diplomat Parulian George Andreas Silalahi, sworn in by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Retno Marsudi on August 8, 2023. 'DCM' is the more common term used in Indonesia's foreign service for the No. 2 person in an embassy, and it is a position normally filled by career diplomats.
The practice of appointing career diplomats as DCM for Indonesian missions abroad is longstanding and had continued under Prabowo's Foreign Minister, Sugiono, who swore in seven DCMs on 25 June and one on 9 September this year. So why suddenly appoint an inexperienced deputy ambassador to China, when a DCM is already on the ground in Beijing?
Whither meritocracy?
In the end, the unexpected appointment of a controversial deputy ambassador to China raises big questions about how Indonesian diplomatic representatives are selected.
Irene's new job certainly reflects President Prabowo's hands-on approach to international relations, but it also suggests that a person's track record and expertise in diplomacy no longer carry so much weight.