It has been 14 years since Soeharto was ousted, ending 32 years of corrupt, authoritarian rule. Indonesia, while now a democracy, remains mired in corruption that has deep roots in every political party, both inside and outside President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's ruling coalition. The Jakarta Post's Dicky Christanto explores how far the nation's political leaders have strayed from the ideals of reform and 1998:

Siti Hartati Murdaya and Izedrik Emir Moeis come from political parties on opposite sides of the fence in contemporary Indonesian politics. The pair have one thing in common, however: They are the latest political movers and shakers to be implicated in high-level graft scandals.

When it comes to deep pockets, Hartati is undoubtedly the favorite of the leaders of Yudhoyono's Democratic Party. The tycoon, one of Asia's wealthiest people and a member of the Democratic Party's patron board, is one of several businesspeople who helped bankroll Yudhoyono's first presidential campaign in 2004.

The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) recently named Hartati a suspect for allegedly bribing Buol Regent Amran Batalipu to issue a permit for her firm in Central Sulawesi.

Meanwhile, Emir has been key financier that keeps the wheels greased for the Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P). The PDI-P, led by former president Megawati Soekarnoputri, who herself ran against Yudhoyono in 2004 and 2009, is the principal opponent of the President's ruling coalition.

Unlike Hartati, Emir, a lawmaker, has made his "fortune" by leading several commissions at the House of Representatives. He once led Commission VII overseeing energy and mining and the House budget committee. Emir currently chairs Commission XI, overseeing financial affairs.

The lawmaker was named a suspect by the KPK for allegedly accepting a bribe to award a contract to build a power plant in Tarahan, Lampung, to PT Alstom Indonesia in 2004.

Emir and Hartati join 28 other politicians who have been implicated in graft scandals since 2009, according to the Indonesian Budget Center (IBC).

According to the organization, 46 politicians were sentenced to prison between 2004 and 2009. More than half were lawmakers who were convicted of accepting bribes to back the appointment of Miranda S. Goeltom as a Bank Indonesia senior deputy governor.

The high costs of running a political party coupled with a lack of oversight of political party finances and legislative elections have been widely cited by anti-corruption activists as the catalysts for political corruption.

Unlike their peers in more developed democracies that rely on rank and file members for donations, political parties in Indonesia are mostly financed directly by members who are politicians, ministers and wealthy businesspeople.

Some businesspeople back a party in hopes of influencing policy makers to streamline things for their business endeavors or to win government contracts. Others, apparently, expect not to be prosecuted for violating the law.

"Abusing authority has become an eternal temptation for politicians, regardless of background. The bigger the party, the bigger the temptations," Effendy Choirie, a lawmaker from the National Awakening Party (PKB) since 1999, recently said.

Effendi, a member of House Commission I overseeing defense, intelligence and foreign affairs, said aggressive anti-graft measures have not discouraged corrupt politicians.

According to several lawmakers who declined to be named, the most common offense was the misuse of lawmakers' budget powers over government agencies and local administrations and for state projects.

The recent graft scandal involving the procurement of Korans by the Religious Affairs Ministry that implicated Golkar Party lawmaker Zulkarnain Djabar is among many examples.

The KPK has been investigating whether Zulkarnain asked the ministry to award the Koran contract to a specific firm in a quid-pro-quo deal for the House's endorsement of the Rp 400 billion (US$42.5 million) budget for the project.

The Financial Transaction Reports and Analysis Center (PPATK) also recently advised the KPK that several House budget committee lawmakers had bank accounts with "unusually large" balances of over Rp 2 trillion. A lawmaker's monthly salary starts at around Rp 30 million.

According to the PPATK, there were several "suspicious" and "implausible" transactions in the accounts of several budget committee leaders, including Melchias Marcus Mekeng (Golkar) Mirwan Amir (Democratic Party), Olly Dondokambey (PDI-P) and Tamsil Linrung (Prosperous Justice Party, or PKS).

Budget committee members Wa Ode Nurhayati (National Mandate Party, or PAN) and Max Sopacua (Democratic Party) have also come under scrutiny.

Nurhayati is currently on trial for bribery and money laundering surrounding deliberations on the 2011 regional infrastructure fund. At trial, Nurhayati implicated several of her colleagues in the scandal, including Melchias, Olly, Tamsil, and House Speaker Marzuki Alie (Democratic Party), all of whom denied complicity.

During other graft trials involving politicians, witnesses have often testified that politicians have often solicited kickbacks, asking directly how much money they could be given for approving a budget expenditure.

"Of course you are fully aware that our support isn't free" is a commonly heard phrase outside House meeting rooms when lawmakers discuss budgets. So is "You will get our support – under certain conditions".

Five-star hotels and fancy restaurants are also favorite locations for such discussions.

Sebastian Salang from Parliament Watchdog Forum has been concerned about the deliberations. "It will need serious investigation by the KPK to uncover budget manipulation practices."

Other quid-pro-quo have reportedly been proffered during the selection process for top jobs at government agencies and the central bank.

By law, legislators have the final decision on selecting officials to fill strategic posts, including Bank Indonesia's governor and deputy positions as well as the appointment of the leaders of the Financial Service Authority (OJK) that will oversees banks, capital market and financial institutions.

Foreshadowing a repeat of the Miranda Goeltom case, several politicians have said that third parties have "sponsored" the appointment of candidates for the House to consider for OJK positions.

The man selected to be OJK chairman, Muliaman Hadad, has denied such allegations, saying that there were no sponsors.

Legislators also have the final decision on the selection of the Supreme Court judges, Constitutional Court judges, Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) members, KPK chairmen and ambassadors. Many Constitutional Court judges, BPK executives and, to some extent, Supreme Court judges, have affiliations with political parties.

The Indonesian Science Institution (LIPI) researcher Siti Zuhroh said that unless there was an overhaul in the nation's political system, parties would be used solely as a tool to seek political power at any cost.

"Politicians have been taught for years that the ultimate goal in politics is having superior power. They are less taught on adhering to integrity and to be responsible to constituents," she said.

How politicians pool 'resources'

• Asking for kickbacks from procurements undertaken by ministries, agencies and state institutions, or when approving annual budgets.

• Demanding cuts from funds allocated to regional administrations.

• Asking for kickbacks to support specific candidates for government agencies and state institutions.

• Asking for kickbacks during the legislative process to insert favored clauses into bills.

• Arranging overseas junkets, typically without clear objectives or funding transparency.

• Manipulating financial schemes designed for social purposes - Using third-party companies to benefit from state-funded procurements.

• Criticizing ministries, agencies or state institutions with an expectation of receiving a kickbacks for silence.

• Collecting private donations beyond legal limits.

• Seeking kickbacks for proposing higher budget allocations.