The end of the meeting was described as warm and full of understanding. One day before the end of the talks, the Prime Minister of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) gave a speech. His voice was calm and measured. He spoke on behalf of Teungku Hasan di Tiro, the "honorable head of state," now based in Sweden.
"We firmly believe, that with patience and wisdom, we can find a way out," he said on Tuesday of last week in Helsinki, the capital of Finland.
From the Indonesian side, Justice & Human Rights Minister, Hamid Awaluddin was also pleased. He attended along with Information and Communication Minister, Sofyan Djalil. Waiting outside were the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal & Security Affairs, Widodo A.S., as well as the commander of the Army Command and Staff Training School, Maj. Gen. Syarifuddin Tippe. Those two formed part of the Indonesian delegation, but took no direct role in the negotiations themselves.
This was the second time they had met, following a similar meeting between the two parties in the same city at the end of last January. For three days-Monday through to Wednesday-former president of Finland, Martti Ahtisaari, brought the two parties back to the negotiating table. As Chairperson for the Crisis Management Initiative, a liaising body for this informal dialog, Martti went to great lengths to find some common ground for the two groups. "We're looking for a comprehensive solution to the conflict in Aceh," he said.
The meeting ended on the third day, with everything still in the thawing out process and no official agreement, as yet. From the start, the meeting had been aimed more towards finding common ground between the Indonesian government and GAM. In the wake of the devastating tsunami, both parties are keen on ending the armed conflict peacefully. There was one agreement met however: there is to be a follow-up meeting, scheduled for this coming April 12-17.
The road to the next meeting has certainly been left open. The problem is, according to Martti, time will be needed to get to the heart of the issues as well as finding a willingness to move towards more sensitive discussions. In the interests of success, Martti has also warned: "I would ask all those involved to exercise some self-control in the field."
This second meeting has certainly not been in vain. According to Martti, there was ample opportunity for a number of issues to be discussed seriously. An example was the question of amnesties and other mediums, providing useful tools in facilitating such agreements. Then there was the matter of regulating security, as well as the overseeing of the carrying out of commitments and a suitable schedule. The most interesting thing was the offer of special autonomy. It seems as though GAM does not reject outright this offer from Indonesia.
They have merely come up with an alternative proposal for "self-government." The idea of self-government has jolted many parties. It could be described as a change in direction for GAM's diplomatic policies. What is more, up until now the public have always known GAM to be unwavering in its demands for complete independence since 1976. Wanting a compromise in the form of autonomy has been unheard of. Are they really softening?
"Don't get the wrong idea," said Nur Djuli, one of the negotiators for GAM taking part in the discussions. According to Djuli, they were handing the option of self-government as a type of "political enlightenment" in order to prevent the talks from stalling or breaking down. For a long time now, he said, these two parties have faced huge obstacles in their path to the negotiating table.
It has been a clash of ideals – GAM has not been prepared to accept autonomy, while Indonesia has always refused to let Aceh go.
Djuli said that this proposal would prevent the dialog from hitting any more brick walls. But their proposal does not mean they have totally given up on the idea of independence. By the same token, it does not mean that Indonesia will toss out the notion of special autonomy. "We're putting aside the things we can't agree on and looking for alternatives," said Djuli.
This dialog has been governed by the principle of there being no genuine agreement until everything has been agreed upon. It means that even just one thing being rejected could doom the entire dialog to failure. At the press conference, GAM spokesperson, Bachtiar Abdullah, said diplomatically that even the instigation of the concept of self-government itself "would depend on the wishes of the Acehnese people themselves."
But isn't self-government just the same as special autonomy? Djuli disagrees.
GAM views special autonomy as being the status quo. According to Djuli, the concept of autonomy leaves behind it a trail of violence as well as heavy corruption. Nonetheless, independence is not a viable discussion option for these talks, at this point. That idea has always been categorically rejected by Jakarta. Hence the talk of self-government has surfaced. "This proposal does not come from Indonesia," Djuli insists.
Coordinating Minister Widodo admits the need to study the actual meaning of the proposal. "Maybe it carries with it a semantic logic or technical term," he said on Friday of last week in Jakarta. According to Widodo, there is still a large degree of difference in interpretations of the substance of special autonomy, as implemented in Aceh. For Indonesia, he says, autonomy is no longer merely a technical term, but in fact a legal product. Nonetheless, Widodo admits to a positive outcome from the dialog in Helsinki. GAM's proposal for self-government has also been reported to the president.
To journalists, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has admitted to having received a report from Helsinki. "Developments are becoming more and more positive," Yudhoyono stated at the presidential palace, on Thursday of last week. He was referring to the fact that there had already been serious discussion at the dialog, namely on special autonomy, the ending of the conflict, amnesties and similar matters. "Quite frankly, I really would like an immediate end to the conflict in Aceh, which has been going on for 29 years," the president said.
But there are still signs of suspicion and mutual distrust. In addition, GAM took the opportunity to use "foreign advisors" in Helsinki. Minister Widodo also voiced his objections to Martti. They do not want meddling from other parties at future upcoming negotiations, whether non-government institutions or whoever.
Within the GAM ranks was Damien Kingsbury, political expert from Deakin University in Australia. "He wasn't part of the delegation, but merely serving as our political advisor," stated GAM spokesperson, Bachtiar Abdullah.
Apart from Damien, Bachtiar also had the opportunity to introduce another delegate to the team in the form of Vlacy Vlaszna, a doctor from Australia.
For his part, Damien admitted to being invited by Malik Mahmud to assist with input for GAM during the negotiations. "I wasn't a negotiator, merely an advisor," he asserted. His aim was to help GAM find a peaceful and democratic way out of the conflict for Aceh. Damien said that he had diligently reminded GAM to be cooperative at the negotiations. "I am not an enemy of the Indonesian government," he said.
Nor was Damien particularly concerned with whispering in the ears of GAM during the proceedings. "I only met with them at breaks," Damien said.
He was more often in the room outside, awaiting the GAM delegation at the conclusion of sessions. He agreed with the proposal for self-government. He said that the concept provided some breathing space for the Acehnese people in self-determination, while at the same time protecting the integrity of the nation of Indonesia.
According to Nur Djuli, with the concept of self-government, the political improvisation of both parties can be accommodated. He said it was the job of negotiators to deliver this proposal back home. Furthermore, there was no need for anyone to feel intimidated, as the idea was still in its infancy. Should it be blocked in the House of Representatives (DPR), it will be the end of the idea too. On the other hand, if the idea is rejected by GAM in the field, it will also spell the end for the concept. He denies the notion that the matter of self-government is nothing more than political deception. "How long could we succeed in fooling the public, they'd know what was going on for sure," he stated.
If what Djuli said is true, then it does indeed amount to a significant change on GAM's part. But political observer from the Center for Strategic & International Studies, Kusanto Anggoro, is of the opposite view.
According to him, GAM's demands have not weakened. Maybe they just look more tactical. He said that for a group of rebels, "It's the minimum demand, short of independence." Self-government, said Kusanto, would be merely a stepping-stone towards outright self-determination, alias a referendum.
This is just the first stumbling block. In Jakarta, obstacles in the way of Helsinki phase two have already begun appearing. From the DPR, for example, have appeared accusations from Effendi Choirie, member of the DPR's Commision I.
In his view, negotiations with GAM are doomed to failure. Effendi labelled it a consequence of less than effective military operations in Aceh. "The GAM leaders are yet to be captured," he insisted. He said that in the near future, the DPR would question the government about the Helsinki talks.
After being devastated by the tsunami, the last thing Aceh needs now is to be plunged back into war. (Nezar Patria, Yuswardi A. Suud.)