Don Greenlees, Jakarta – Jaya Suprana is the rotund and very jolly host of a talk show on an Indonesian television channel owned by ex-president Suharto's eldest daughter, Siti Hardiyanti "Tutut" Rukmana.
Two nights ago, his popular weekly interview on Televisi Pendidikan Indonesia (Indonesian Educational Television) featured a new breed of presidential offspring – the daughters of Abdurrahman Wahid. In his usually good-natured style, Suprana joked and bantered his way through an hour with Alissa, Yenny and the disarmingly natural youngest sister, Inayah.
The contrast between the old presidential palace and the new could not have been greater. And the Suharto children surely suffered from the comparison. Where the Suharto children displayed the imperial bearing and spoilt attitude of a sultan's progeny, the Wahid children spoke plainly and openly about life with an unconventional father and having to cope with the sudden move to the rarified world of the colonial-era presidential palace.
One important message that Suprana teased out of the three – a fourth sister is studying in China – is that they really don't want the man most Indonesians know affectionately as Gus Dur to stay too long in the job. If Wahid's numerous critics succeed, his children may not have to wait long to get their wish.
The open and relaxed style Wahid and his family have brought to the presidency has been one of the more refreshing aspects of his rule. But the President's approach to the job and personal attributes also have become one of the major points of friction over his leadership. The criticisms range from his erratic decision-making and public contributions to debate, to his unwillingness to consult and even his capacity to do the job after suffering two strokes and near blindness.
Wahid's critics will on Monday have their best shot at him yet, when, for the first time since his election last year, he faces the very body that put him in office. According to some analysts, the majority of the 700-member People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) would love to get rid of him if only they had a decent alternative candidate. The fact is they don't: if Wahid goes, the uninspiring Vice-President, Megawati Sukarnoputri, is constitutionally obliged to take the helm. But that won't stop Wahid's many enemies from gnawing away at his presidency or plotting his overthrow.
The annual MPR session will start with a speech from Wahid reporting on the Government's progress. This will form the basis of two days of discussions that are certain to be the forum for a litany of complaints. This is likely to lead to the MPR giving itself greater flexibility to call itself into "special session", so it can pass a no-confidence vote in the President and hold a fresh ballot to choose a successor.
Despite these manoeuvres, it does not appear any of the would-be Machiavellis have the appetite to immediately initiate steps for Wahid's ouster. This impression is reinforced by the recent rhetoric of the key political leadership – MPR speaker Amien Rais, People's Representative Council (DPR) speaker Akbar Tandjung and Megawati.
The three met Wahid in Yogyakarta last Tuesday and appealed for a cooling-off period before the MPR session – fearing disturbances on Jakarta's streets. Rais has said the internal rule changes affecting special sessions should not be seen as a prelude to a move against Wahid.
For her part, Megawati remains typically detached. She has not involved herself in any moves to destabilise Wahid but she has not used her authority in her Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P) to rein in his critics.
Meanwhile, supporters of the President hope that by allowing the MPR to let off some steam next week, the pressure on him will be reduced. They then want to consolidate by reshuffling the ministry in late August or September, putting more "profess-ional" ministers in place. These would be at the expense of party-political appointees foisted on Wahid by the disparate forces who elected him last year.
Yet, it is unlikely this will provide anything more than a reprieve. Wahid's opponents – scattered across the parliament but particularly concentrated in the Islamic parties – will find various means to keep the President on the defensive.
The main weapons will be investigations by the main legislature – the 500-member DPR – into allegations of corruption or mismanagement directly implicating Wahid and his immediate circle. Following next week's meeting, the DPR, whose members also sit in the MPR, will start looking into, among other things, the case of money misappropriated from the State Logistics Agency, Bulog, by Wahid's former masseur. Such activities could ultimately form the pretext for a move against Wahid.
Indeed, the strategy among these parliamentary plotters appears to be to give Wahid, in the coming months, just enough rope to hang himself. With the plethora of problems facing the country, that could prove easy to arrange.
And if the grave issues confronting the Indonesian Government aren't enough, the President's uncertain health and his colourful and mercurial style will surely keep alive speculation about how long he will stay in the job.