At a time when Indonesia is in the grip of a grave economic and political crisis, President Suharto, the Indonesian dictator, with the support of ABRI, the Indonesian armed forces, is further intensifying the level of repression in his determination to stay in power at all costs. Hundreds have been arrested and many face charges for "engaging in political activities" and a penalty of up to five years.

As never before, Indonesia's pro-democracy movement needs international solidarity to confront the dictatorship and exercise their democratic right to challenge Suharto, after 32 years of despotic rule.

If western powers really want to help resolve Indonesia's economic crisis, they should stop trying to persuade Suharto to toe the IMF line. Instead, they should boldly condemn the current wave of repression, declare a moratorium on all arms sales to Indonesia, support the pro-democracy movement and thus contribute towards freeing Indonesia from Suharto's brutal reign of terror.

The crisis deepens

The economic crisis is worsening by the day. The national currency has lost more than 70 per cent of its value since last July. Prices are skyrocketing. Thousands of factories and businesses have closed. Millions have been thrown out of work. Lack of food is threatening in many parts of the country. Deep-rooted corruption, nepotism and cronyism have taken the economy to the brink of catastrophe. The banking system is paralysed, the country is burdened with a foreign debt of more than $140 billion.

The absence of political rights and basic human rights under Suharto's New Order has made it impossible for people to challenge the dictator and his ruling clique by democratic means. The general elections are rigged and democratic political activity is banned. There is no freedom of assembly or association, freedom of speech or the right to set up independent parties, trade unions or other organisations. There is no protection of the person against arbitrary arrest.

Unless the country explodes in protest in the next few weeks, Suharto will be re-appointed for a seventh term on 11 March by an assembly called the MPR, the majority of whose members were appointed by Suharto, with the remainder representing parties that are totally loyal to his regime.

Suharto and his family have amassed colossal wealth, thought to exceed $40 billion. They now maintain a grip on critical aspects of state policy, in particular decisions for handling the economic crisis in a way that would serve their interests to the detriment of the common people.

It is now accepted by virtually all commentators right across the political spectrum that the economic crisis cannot be resolved without fundamental political reforms and an end to Suharto's rule.

Pro-democracy groups that have campaigned for political change for years now raise three demands: lower prices, an end to corruption and cronyism and an end to rule by Suharto. Students and democratic groups are demonstrating in many parts of the country around these demands. In some places, thousands have taken to the streets in support of these demands.

The manipulated presidential procedure makes it impossible for anyone other than Suharto to be chosen. However, several figures have decided to challenge the election from outside the system. Megawati Sukarnoputri who chairs the unrecognised, mass-based PDI has put herself forward as a candidate for the presidency. Amien Rais, head of the 25-million strong Muhammadiyah, has also put himself forward as a candidate. A former cabinet minister, Emil Salim, has put himself forward as a candidate for the vice-presidency. All these nominations have wide support among the general public. However, being unable to contest in the normal way, they must depend on mobilising support in meetings and on the streets.

In many cities and towns, there have been eruptions of social unrest prompted by the catastrophic fall in living standards, rising prices and mass dismissals. Some of the unrest has been directed against the security forces or officialdom with whom local inhabitants have long-standing grievances . Many are food riots, targeted against shops which are usually Chinese because this ethnic group predominates in the nation's commerce. By means of subtle provocation, some elements within the regime have sought to give this social unrest a racist edge. By blaming the Chinese for the crisis, they hope to deflect attention from Suharto and his cronies who must be held accountable for the catastrophe.

In face of growing political opposition and social unrest, Suharto and ABRI have cranked up their apparatus of repression in order to suppress the growing challenge to Suharto's rule.

At the beginning of February, large-scale military exercises were held in Jakarta in order to "secure" the MPR session. Thousands of troops fanned out across the capital, backed up by helicopters, armoured vehicles and police dogs. We have photographic evidence that British-made water cannon were used in the exercises.

The Jakarta military commander, Major-General Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, has formed a special Operational Command (Koops-Jaya) to "safeguard" the MPR Session with himself as commander and the Jakarta chief-of-police as his deputy. They have 50,000 troops at their disposal. [Forum Keadilan, 23 February 1998]

Suharto has issued instructions to ABRI "to crack down on protesters wanting to trigger national disintegration". Other top army generals have made equally belligerent threats, warning opposition groups of stern measures if they take to the streets. They have threatened to "cut down" and "slice to pieces" defenceless demonstrators in their determination to quell protest.

On 18 February, the Jakarta military commander declared that all demonstrations in the capital were banned until one week after the MPR Session. "I will not permit any groups to take to the streets. If they insist on doing so, we will take strong measures." [Kompas, 19 February] No meetings, seminars or other gatherings will be permitted during the weeks before and after the MPR Session.

Hundreds of people have already been arrested. Human rights groups estimate that by mid February, more than seven hundred people had been rounded up. The following figures are far from complete: East Java (152), Pamanukan, West Java (266), Losari, West Java (6), Donggala, Central Sulawesi (34), Pasuruan, East Java (30), Bima, NTT (15), Ende, NTT (56), Kendari, Central Sulawesi (37), Praya, Lombok (8), Garut, West Java (5) and Jakarta (146). Fifty people were arrested during a child labour march in Jakarta. All were released but 35 will be charged. Two pro-democracy activists disappeared from their homes in early February and are still unaccounted for.

At least five people have been shot dead in security operations against social unrest.

A number of extremely severe laws are being used against demonstrators. Besides the anti-subversion law and the hate-sowing articles of the Criminal Code, a law enacted in 1969, Law 5/1969, is being used to charge peaceful demonstrators. Under this law, people may be charged "for engaging in political activities" and face a penalty of up to five years.

To set an example, of the 146 people arrested during a peaceful demonstration in Jakarta on 11 February, 128 people will be charged for political offences of whom 123 will be charged under Law 5/1969 and five under the even more draconian anti-subversion law.

The police have started phone tapping and cutting phone connections of pro-democracy. activists. In a meeting with cellular phone company executives, the Jakarta chief-of-police, Major General Hamami Nata, demanded access to intercept and cut off phone-calls deemed to be "rabble-rousing". [Jakarta Post, 13 February]

The police have announced a "shoot-on-sight" policy against "rioters" in an attempt to quell widespread anger at plummeting living standards. This policy could equally be used against demonstrators, given the overlap of demands and actions by spontaneous outbursts of social unrest and organised pro-democracy street protests.